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WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 





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Secretary of State. 


VOL. I. 

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%• The Map facing the Title page of this Volume ii taken from one of Horth 
America, engraved by Lucinij an Italian artist, originally on four iheets, three 
of which belong to the Warden Collection of the State Library. 

[t will be perceived from its Title that it is a Map of New Belgium (now New 
York,) and part of New England, the former of whleh Provinces was claimed 
at the time, to extend fh>m Cape Cod to the Capes of Delaware. The absence of 
any date renders it difficult, however, to ascertain precisely the year it was en« 
graved and this point can be determined only by other evidence. _ 

Boston, which was settled in 163U, is found laid down, but there is no mention 
of Maryland, the Province of Virginia forming the southern Boundary of New 

As Maryland was first granted In 1632, it is evident the date of this Map must 
be some year between that and the settlemont of Boston. Most probably, it 
was engraved in 1631. 

In point of time, it may be considered the third oldest Map of the Province 
extant, having, as far as yet known, been preceded by only two Dutch 
Maps, one of 1616 and one 1618, transcripts of which are in the office of the 
Secretary of State, and of one of which this Italian Map is evidently an improved 

■ V \\t 





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1665-6 67 


TO HUNGRY BAY, 1684, 93 


PROVINCE, 1687. 146 




1689, 279 


FRENCH, 1690, 283 






ALBANY, 1702, 1714, 1720, ...... 365 


YORK, 1732, 376 


1683-1767, 39J 




MOHAWK VALLEY, 1756, 1757, 507 









INDIANS, 1765, 587 



XXIII. STATISTICS OF POPULATION, 1647 — 1774, • . • 687 


1691—1768, . . • 699 


1705—1767, . . . •- 709 

VINCE, 1774, 737 

INDEX, 775 














<K[it Srnquoia anb ot[rw Inbian (Eribta. 




The I 

the four 



It is the 

made the 

are earthi 

The se< 

yonnij or 

When th( 

the affair 

tribes to c 

They asse 

war, and 

matters of 

The thii 


The fou 
the Bear, 
they call C 

The fiftl 



[Paris Loc., I.] 

The Iroquois Nation consists of nine tribes, which form two 
divisions j one of four tribes, and the other of five. 

They call the first division GuEY-NioxixESHESGuf , which means 
the four tribes ; and the second division they call it Ouiche-nioti- 
TESHESGuf, which means the five tribes. 

The first is that of the Tortoise, which calls itself Miniathin. 
It is the first, because they pretend, when the Master of Life 
made the Earth, that he placed it on a tortoise ; and when there 
are earthquakes, it is the tortoise that stirs. 

The second tribe is that of the Wolf, and calls itself Enantha- 
yonnij or Cahenhisenhonorif and brother of the Tortoise tribe. 
When there is question of war they deliberate together j and if 
the a£fair is of great moment, they communicate it to the other 
tribes to deliberate together thereupon ; so of all the other tribes. 
They assemble in the hut of a war-chief when the question is of 
war, and in the hut of a council-chief when it is for ordinary 
matters of state. 

The third tribe is that of the Bear, which they call Jitinion- 

The fourth tribe is that of the Beaver, and brother to that of 
the Bear. These four tribes compose the first division, which 
they call Guey-niotiteshesgue. 


The fifth tribe is that of the Deer, which they name Canen- 


The sixth is that of the Potatoe, which they call Schoneschio- 

The seventh is that of the Great Plover, which they call Oti- 

The eighth is that of the Little Plover, whictf they call Jsco, 
or J^icohes. 

The ninth is that of the Kiliou [Eagle], which they call Canon- 
chahonronon. They call these five tribes Ouiche-motiteshesgue. 

These nine tribes formerly occupied nine villages, which were 
finally collected together in order to sustain war more easily. 

The ninth tribe derives its origin from a cabin that was in the 
interior {dans les terres)j and composed of several fires or esta- 
blishments. In the middle of the cabin was a partition which 
divided the cabin in two. 

Weary of knowing no one, and consequently unable to marry, 
they all married among themselves; which is the reason that 
their name signifies two cabins united together. 

Each tribe has in the gable end of its cabin, the animal of the; 
tribe painted ; sotne in black, others in red. 

When they assemble together for consultation, the first Divi- 
sion ranges itself on one side of the fire in a cabin; and the 
other Division places itself on the other side. 

When the matter on which they have met has been discussed 
on one side and the other, they accompany the decision with 
much ceremony. 

The Division which decides the matter gives two opinions, so 
that the best may be adopted, and offers all possible opposition 
in proposing its opinions, in order to shew that it has well consi- 
dered what it says. 

They adopt, usually, the first opinion, unless there be some 
strong motive to the contrary. 

When they go to war, and wish to inform those of the pa.ty 
who may pass their path, they make a representation of the ani- 
mal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw ; sometimes 
a sabre or a club j and if there be a number of tribes together of 
the same party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their 
number, all on a tree from which they remove the bark. The 


animal of Ibe tribe which heads the expedition is always the fore- 

They generally have a rendezvous when they propose to strike 
a blow, where in case of pursuit, they leave a part of their clothes 
and ammunition. When they fight, they are very Molochs, and 
have merely the waistcloth on, with a pair of mocasins on the 

When the expedition is numerous they often leave a party a 
hundred or a hundred and fifty leagues {lieuesj qy. pacesi) from 
the village which they are about to attack. When they have 
finished, if they have casse-tetes or clubs, they plant them against 
the corpse inclining a little towards the village of the slain. 

On their return, if they have prisoners or scalps, they paint 
the animal of the tribe to which they belong, rampant, {debout) 
with a staff on the shoulder along which are strung the scalps 
they may have, and in the same number. After the animal 
are the prisoners they have made, with a chichicoisy (or gourd 
filled with beans which rattle), in the right hand. If they be 
women, they represent them with a Cadenette or queue and a 

If there be several tribes in the war party, each paints the ani- 
mal of his tribe with the scalps and prisoners it has made, as 
before, but always after that which is head of the party. 

When they have scalps they give them to one or two men who 
suspend them behind them to their girdle. 

These men who carry these scalps follow the others at a dis- 
tance, that is to say, at a quarter of a league, because they pre- 
tend that when they retreat and have scalps, if these precede the 
others they cannot march any further because they are seized with 
terror at the sight of the dripping blood. But this is only the 
first day, sometimes the second and third when they are pursued. 

When they come again together, they proceed to notify the 
others and then each one takes his station or awaits the enemy. 
When night falls they make a hole in the earth where they kin- 
dle a fire with bark to cook their meat, if they have any, and that 
during three or four days. 

They tie the prisoners to stakes set in the ground, into which 




they fix their leg or rather foot, and this stake is closed by ano- 
ther tied together at a man's height. They place a man at each 
side who sleeps near them and who is careful to visit the pri- 
soners from time to time, during the night. 

"Wheir they have lost any men on the field of battle they paint 
the men with the legs in the air, and without heads and in the 
same number as they have lost ; and to denote the tribe to which 
they belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the deceased 
on its back, the paws in the air, and if it be the chief of the par- 
ty that is dead, the animal is without the head. 

If there be only wounded, they paint a broken gun which how- 
ever is connected with the stock, or even an arrow, and to de- 
note where they have been wounded, they paint the animal of the 
tribe to which the wounded belong with an arrow piercing the 
part in which the wound is located ; and if it be a gunshot they 
make the mark of the ball on the body of a different color. 

If they have sick, and are obliged to carry them, they paint 
litters {boyards) of the same number as the sick, because they 
carry only one on each litter. 

When they are thirty or forty leagues* from their village they 
send notice of their approach, and of what has happened them. 
Then every one prepares to receive the prisoners, when there are 
any, and to torment each as they deem proper. 

Those who are condemned to be burnt are conveyed to the ca- 
bin which has been given them. All the warriors assemble in a 
war cabin and afterwards send for them to make them sing, 
dance, and to torment them until they are carried to the stake. 

During this time two or three young men are preparing the 
stake, placing the fuel near and keep their guns loaded. 

When every thing is ready, he is brought and tied to the stake 
and finally burnt. When he is burnt up to the stomach they de- 
tach him, break all his fingers, raise the scalp which was left 
hanging behind by a small tongue of skin to the head. They 
put him to death in these agonies, after which each takes his 
morsel and proceeds to make merry. 

1 Three or four miles.— Golden. 






•^^fcsjp^ . - ' • ■ ^« ;y- 


Er»gravecLS: PrmtcAty 'jaYit&i)\U'hie, Albany. 


'} ,<l 


' : >^' 

A. Th 
toner, kil 
of a stick 

B. Th. 

C. CM 

D. Th« 

E. Thi 
the scalp- 

F. Thi 

G. Coi 
the Beave 

H. A I 

I. ABi 

L. Is a 

of some 01 


K. Cou 

M. The 

N. The 

O. The 


P. Can< 

Q. Pad( 

the canoe, 

Over these 

R. The 

S. This 

nights on 

they are bi 

What is 

T. Deer 



Y. Fashi 

J' '• 


fi H 


A. This is a periH)n returning from war who has taken a pri- 
soner) killed a man and a woman whose scalps hang from the end 
of a stick that he carries. 

B. The prisoner. 

C. CMcMcois (or a gourd), which he holds in the hand. 

D. These are cords attached to his neck, arras and girdle. 

E. This is the scalp of a man, what is joined on one side is 
the scalp-lock. 

F. This is the scalp of a woman j they paint it with the hair 

G. Council of war between the tribe of the Bear and that of 
the Beaver; they are brothers. 

H. A Bear. 

I. A Beaver. 

L. Is a belt which he holds in his paws to avenge the death 
of some one and he is conferring about it with his brother, the 

K. Council for affairs of state. ' 

M. The Bear. 

N. The Council fire. 

O. The Tortoise; so of the other tribes, each ranges at its own 

P. Canoe going to war. 

Q. Paddles. They know hereby how many men there are in 
the canoe, because they place as many paddles as there are men. 
Over these is painted the animal of the tribe to which they belong. 

R. The canoe. 

S. This is a man returning from hunting who has slept two 
nights on the hunting ground and killed three does; for when 
they are bucks, they add their antlers. 

What is on his back, is his bundle. 

T. Deer's head. This is the way they paint them. 

V. This is the manner they mark the time they have been 
hunting. Each mark or rather each bar is a day. 

Y. Fashion of painting the dead; the two first are men and the 

f ) 


third is a woman who is distinguished only by the waistcloth that 
she has. 

As regards the dead, they inter them with all they have. 
When it is a man they paint red calumets, calumets of peace on 
the Tomb ; some times they plant a stake on which they paint 
how often he has been in battle ; how many prisoners he has ta- 
ken; the post ordinarily is only four or five feet high and much 


.<h' . 

,*-' i, 

) ^». 


i- t: 


^ ^-<A^ -•' 


ii-i b. 

77n l*ri'lniif <:l < 
rtihin f'/i It lii< li 
/)( /iKX f" If f< It' 
(Ulii fiilli if ■ 




/ ,, In Inis It'll' " 

(imnnfli 'f 

rii, 1 ■■;'* 







'»;#*, fry 




a. These are the punctures on his body. 

b. This is tjbe way they mark when they have been to war, and 
when there is a bar extending from one mark to the otherj it 
signifies that after having been in battle, he did not come back to 
his village and that he returned with other partiies whom he met 
or formed. 

c. This arrow, wluch is broken,i4«Qptes that they were wound- 
ed in this/expedition. 

d. T!i^s they denote that the belts which fhey gave to raise a 
war party and to avenge the death of some one, belong to them 
or to some of the same tribe. 

e. He has gone back to fight without having entered his vil- 

f. A man whom he killed on the field of battle who had a bow 
and arrows. 

g. These are two men ythQm he took prisoners, one of whom 
had a hatchet, and the other a gun in his hand. 

g. g. This is a woman who is designated only by a species of 
h. This is the way th^ distinguish her frolh the men. 
Such is the mode in which thqy draw their portraits. i 

'Xh ( •> 



• fR. 

A. This is the manner they paint the tribe of the Potatoe and 
not as it is on the other plate. 

b. Is a stick set in the ground to the extremity of which two 
or three pieces of wood are attached, to denote the direction in 
which they went when they are hunting ; and on the nearest tree 
they paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, with the 
numbers of guns they have ; that is to say if they are three men, 
they paint three guns, if they are more and there are some who 
have a bow and no gim, they put down a bow. 

When they return from hunting and are near the village they 
do the same thing and add the number of beasts they have killed 
— ^that is to say, they paint the Deer, and the Stag from the head 
to the neck; if some are male they add antlers ; they paint the 
other animals entire ; if they are some days at the chase they mark 
the number as you see on the other plate. 

c. Club which they use to break the skull when they are at 

two pos|_ 
the leg 
and tie t 



"iU'if.- ■^•■■=t •-, :f • 


The M 
miles fron 

about fou 
situate up 

former, cc 
stone's thi 

and quani 
about two 

\:i U 

oTBiE iWDiAH nam. 


Stake to tie the prisoners. They place his leg between these 
two posts in the hollow of the larger — that is the two posts catch 
the leg above the ankle, and they afterwards join one to the other 
and tie them at a man's height — some times lugher, so that it ii 
impossible to withdraw the foot without untying the cords. 



[Loud. Doe. III.] 

The Maquaes have four townes, vizt. Cahaniaga, Canagora, 
Canajorha, Tionondogue, besides one small village about 110 
miles from Albany. 

Cahaniaga is double stockadoed round ; has four forts, [ports?] 
about four foot wide a piece, conteyns about 24 houses, and is 
situate upon the edge of an hill, about a bowshott from the river^ 

Canagora is only singly stockadoed ; has four ports like the 
former, conteyns about 16 houses j itt is situated upon a fflatt, a 
stone's throw from y* water side. / 

Canajorha is also singly stockadoed, and the like man' of ports 
and quantity of houses as Canagora ; the like situacon ; only 
about two miles distant from the water. 









Tionondogue is double stockadoed around, has four ports, four 
foot wide a piece, contains ab* 30 houses ; is scltuated on a hill a 
bow shott from y* River. 

The small village is without ^ence, and conteyns about ten 
houses ; lyes close by the river side, on the north side, as do all 
the former. 

The Maquaes pass in all for about 300 fighting men. 

Their'Coth grows close by the River side. 

Of the Situacon of the Oneydas and Onondagees and their 

The Onyades tetVe but one town, which liys ibout 130 tilil<s 
westward of the Maques. Itt is situate about SO miles from a 
small river which comes out of the hills to the southward, and 
runs into lake Teshiroque, and about 30 miles distant from the 
Maquaes river, which lyes to the northward j the town is newly 
settled, double stockadoed, but little cleared ground, so thatt they 
are forced to send to the Onondagoes to buy come ; The towne 
consists of 'about idO" houses. 1?h()y are said^tb have about 200 
fighting men, Their Corne grows round about the towne. 

'the Onondagoes have butt one towne, butt itt is very large ; 
consisting of about 'l40 houses, nott fenced ; is situate upon a 
hill thatt is very large, the banke on each side extending itself att 
least two miles, all cleared land, whereon the corne is planted. 
TlMy hate likewise a small village about two miles beyond thatt, 
dbhsiSting Of about 24 hduses. They ly to the southward of y* 
west, about 36 miles from the Onyades. They plant aboundance 
df Got-ne, Which they sell to the Onyades. The Onondagos are 
Ijaid' to be about 350 fighting men. They ly about 15 miles from 

Of the Ciiougos dnd Senecques, their Situacdnand Strength^ ifc. 

The Caiougos have three townes about a mile distant from 
each other ; they are not stockadoed. They do in all consist of 
about 100 houses ; they ly about 60 miles to the southward of y* 
Onondagos ; they hi tend the next sprirfg to build all their houses 
together and stockade them j they have aburidance of Come ; they 

ly within 
about 30( 

30 miles i 
or five mi 
dance of 

as in the 
desirous to 
feasts and 
gether, bo 
to ly with. 

much clear 
wee saw, 
fires in one 
a mile to th 

Being at 
from the So 
of have fev 
10 days jot 
greatt hous< 
they say, m 
women, and 
we heard a 
onely y' Inl 

The 18* 
the soudiers 
sing, and cu 
and when tl 
his time he 
most cruelh 


cruelty lastc 

♦ . 




ly within two or three miles of the lake Tichero. They pass for 
about 300 fighting men. 

The Senecques have four townes, vizt. Canagora^ Tiotohatton) 
Canoenada and Keint-he. Canagora and Tiotohatton lye within 
30 miles of y' Lake firontenacque, and y' other two ly about four 
or five miles apiece to y** Southward of those. They have abun- 
dance of Come. None of their towns are stockadoed. 

Canagorah lyes on the top of a great hill, and in that, as well 
as in the bignesse, much like Onondago, contayning 160 houses, 
northwestward of Caiougo 72^ miles. Here y* Indyans were very 
desirous to see us ride our horses, w*''* wee did : they made great 
feasts and dancing, and invited us y* i^^hen all y* maides were to- 
gether, both wee and our Indyans might choose such as lyked us 
to ly with. 

Tiotohattan lyes on the brincke or edge of a hill ; has not 
much cleared ground ; is near the river Tiotehatlon, w*^ signifies 
bending. It lyes to Westward of Canagorah about 30 miles, 
containing about 120 houses, being y^ largest of all the houses 
wee saw, y^ ordinary being 50 @ 60 foot long with 12 @ 13 
fires in one house. They have good store of come, growing about 
a mile to the Northward of the towne. 

Being at this place the 17 of June, there came 50 prisoners 
from the Southwest ward. They were of two nations, some where- 
of have few guns; the other none at all. One nation is about 
10 days journey from any Christians and trade onely with one, 
greatt house, nott farr from the sea, and the other trade only, as 
they say, with a black people. This day of them was burnt two 
women, and a man and a child killed with a stone. Att night 
we heard a great noyse as if y' houses had all fallen, butt itt was 
onely y* Inhabitants driving away y* ghosts of y* murthered. 

The 18* going to Canagorah, wee overtook y* prisoners ; when 
the soudiers saw us they stopped each his prisoner, and made him 
sing, and cutt off their fingers, and slasht their bodies w* a knife, 
and when they had sung each man confessed how many men in 
his time hee had killed. Thatt day att Canagorah, there were 
most cruelly burnt four men, four women and one boy. The 
cruelty lasted aboutt seven hours. When they were almost dead 





letting them loose to the mercy of y* boys, and taking the hearts 
of such as were dead to feast on. 

Canoenada lyes about four miles to y* Southward of Canagorah; 
conteynes about 30 houses, well furnished with Corne. 

Keint-he lyes aboutt four or five miles to y* Southward of Tie- 
tehatton ; contayns about 24 houses well furnished with corne. 

The Senecques are counted to bee in all aboutt 1000 fighting 

The French call the 

Onondago town 

By the 


Les Anniez 
Les Onoyauts 
Les Montagneurs 

La Montagne 
Les Petuneurs 
Les Paisans 
St. Jaques 
1 a Conception 

Note. — ^The above paper will be found also in Chalmers' Poli- 
tical Annals, in which, however, Greenhalgh's name is misspelt. 
That paper differs likewise in other respects from the MS. now 


The Mic 
The Am 


The Ab( 

1 Village 
The Sben 

tridge, tl 

The AIg( 






[Parte Doo. Yin.] 

The Eskimaux, 

The Micmacs, 

The Amaleates or rather the Maneus. 

These Nations are be- 
low Quebec, and be- 
yond my knowledge. 

^t Quebec. 
The Hurons. - 1 Village 60 a 70 men bearing arms. 

Jit the River St. John, near the English. 

The Abenakis. - - 1 Village called Panatiamsket 
towards the mouth of said riyer. Warriors. 

The Hbenakis at the head of said River, 
1 Village called Narentch:jan. Warriors. - 
Becancour. The Abenakis. 1 Village. Warriors. • 
The Sbenakis. At St. Francis. 1 Village. War. - 
including those of Michikoui and those 
who migrate. 

The armorial bearings (Totums) of this 
lifation, which is divided into two sections, 
are the Pigeon (tourtre) and the Bear. 
There are besides some tribes who carry the Par- 
tridge, the Beaver and the Otter. 

M Three Rivers. See Montreal. 
The Algonquins. - fifteen men. ... 










Tntf lUd^llTOrt Am 

The Tites de Boule or Tribes of the Interior. 
These are wandering Savages who have no know- 
ledge either of the order or form of villages, and those 
who evince the least intellect {esprit); they inhabit the 
mountains and the lakes from "three Rivers, in the in- 
terior, to Lake Superior. Their armorial bearings (To> 
tums) are unknown^ if they have any. 

Boston and Orange. 
The Loups (Mohegans) who understand the 8abena- 
kiH aHA \rhotti the CMiAenbkis understand are dispert^d' 
flroia Bosfott to Virginia, which is equal to from Lake 
Chtmplain t6 the head of Lake Erie— 3^ leagues. 
This nation may be six hundred men, under British 
rule. No person could give me any information of 
liilk^ir custonM. lUii okily by way tt remark. 

Algonquinl. They ate twenty men selitled with th< 
Iroquois of the Two Mountain^ ; tihid is all 
that remains of a nation the most war- 
' Uke, tatit polished and the mdst attached 
to the French. They have for arm(yrlal 
bearings atn Evergreen Oak {chine veri.) 

Jit the Lake of the Two Mountainti 

The Nepissingues. A part of this Tribe is incotpo- 

rated with the Iroquois. The resiainder 

has its village at the lake of the satee 

name. There are here fifty men bearing 

arms^ --'---- 

The armorial bearings of this Nation are the Heron 

for the Achague^ or Heron tribe ; the Beaver for the 

Amekoves; the Birch for the Bark tribe {lafamille de 

PEcorce); Blood for the Miskouaha or the Bloody 






of the 




'.»< I 

The Irol 

Bear an< 



At Lake 

The Tab 

who amc 

I shall 
their nui 

The Out) 


oTRBi vDiAv nim. 


• Remark, Sir, if jou please, that besides the bearings 
of the principal stocks to which I exclusively confine 
myself, leisure not permitting me to obtain thorough 
details, each tribe distinguishes itself by peculiar de- 
rices. The Iroquois who are masters of this village, 
amount to no more than sixty-three— I mean warriors. 

At Sault St. Louis. 
The Iroquois, who compose exclusively the village are 
nearly three hundred and three bearing 


These two villages proceeding from the Iroquois of 
Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, have the same armorial 
devices. Three principal tribes carry the Wolf, the 
Bear and the Tortoise. * 

Note. — Argent ^ to the Wolf gules ^ Ac. 
They usually ornament them merely with charcoal. 

J%e Great River of the Outawas. 
At Lake Nepissingue there is one small village of thir- 
ty men, who bear a SquirreI,^/cAi^amb. 

River md Lake T%emiseammg. 
The Tabittibis are one hundred warriors. 

They have for device an Eagle. 

At the mouth of the Themiscaming there 

,<•;! are twenty warriors. - - - - 

At the head of the Lake twenty domiciled. 

These savaget are what are called Tites de Boule, 

who amount to over six hundred in the Northern coun- 


I shall speak of them hereafter without reference to 
their numbero. 

Jtt Missilimakirutk 
The Outawas of tHs village amount to one hundred and 
eighty warriors; the two principal branches 







■■/ ,'•• 


I ! : 




I' ' 

are Kiskakous (1) and Sinago (2); the 
Bear (1) and Black Squirrel (2). - 

River Missisagui. 
The Missisagu^s on the river number thirty men, and 
twenty men on the Island called Manitoua- 
tim of Lake Huron. - . - - 
And have for device, a Crane. 

Lake Superior — Jit the Mouth. 

At Sault St. Mary are the Sauteurs, to the number of 
thirty; they are in two divisions, and have 
for devices, the Crane and the Vine, {la 
Barbue.) ------ 

North of this Lake is Michipicoton. 

The Papinakois and those of the interior; the first are 
twenty warriors, and have for device, a 
Hare. ------ 

River Ounepigon. 

The Oskemanettigons are domiciled there to the num- 
ber of forty warriors. - - - 
They have for device, the bird called the 

The Monsonies, who are migratory, estimate them- 
; selves two hundred men, and have for de- 
vice, the Moose. - - - - 

The Abettibis and the Tetes de Boule come there also. 
Some have informed me that the first have 
for arms the Partridge with the Eagle. I 

iM^ have already stated that they are in all one 

hundred warriors. 

The Nametftlinis have one hundred and fifty fit to bear 
arms. They have for device, a Sturgeon. 

The tribes of the Savannas, one hundred and forty 
warriors strong, have for armorial device, 
a Hare. ------ 






The Qua 

These sai 

The Cristi 

■ • > .i. 

' The Cristi 



•:,] .A, '■ 




'>1'-^ • 

The Sautev 

The Sciouj 



The Sciou3 

The Asseni 




ui:n AiL. 

.•it^i'>y Gamanettigoya. 

Th« Ouac6 are in number sixty men, and have for de- 
vice a Vine, {une Barhtie). 


Tecamamiouen^ or Bainy Lake — {Lac de la Pluie.) 
These savages are the same as those who come to Ne- 
pigon. They are about this lake to the 
' number of one hundred men. 

Lake of the Woods — {Lac des Bois.) 

The Cristinaux are scattered hereabout, to the number 
of two hundred warriors. They have for 
device the Bustard, {POutarde.) 

, .: .,' Lake Ounepigon. iUlwln 
The Cristinaux are around this lake to the number of 
sixty men. 

Assenipoels. SeeScioux. . . i ■. > , .1 

:'"''"• South of Lake Superior. 

Kiouanan. In this quarter there are domiciled forty 
Sauteurs, who have for device the Crane 
and the Stag. - - . - - 

The Sauteurs of Point Chagouamigon are one hundred 
and fifty warriors, - - - - - 

The Scioux are at the head of this lake in the woods 
and along the lakes. Though scattered 
they are computed at three hundred men, - 

The Scioux of the Prairies are, in the opinion of voya- 
'' geurs, over two thousand men. 

Their iirmorial devices are the Buffalo, 
the Black Dog, and the Otter. 

The Assenipoels, or Pouans according to others, can vie 

with the Scioux, from whom they formerly 

sprung. They number one hundred and 

fifty to the south of Lake Ounepigon, and 

-,,.-. have for device, a Big Stone or a Rock. 








■ 1 


'I *« 



■ ,(VV\ 




The Puans have withdrawn, since 1738, to the Scioux, 
to the aitiftber of eighty ; they luuve for 
armorial bearings^ the Stag,. 1/he Peiecat 
(PtcAotto;), the Tiger, - - - - 


The htad of L«,ke Suferiar. 
The Ayotlois ore settled at the south o& the River de 
,„., . Missouris, at the other side of the Missis- 

sippi. They are no more than eighty. They 
have for device a Fox. 


LBJe9> Mickigaa taiih its dependancUs^ 
The Folles Avoines, north of thia lake^ muabev one 
hundred and sixty warriors. The most con- 
siderable tribes barre for derice, the Large 
' iSLfle4 Beat, tbe Stag, a KHioii — l^af isa 
'-^^ • species of Eagle (the. most beavtiftil bird of 

this country,) — ^perched on a cross. 
In explanation of a cross forming the armorial bear- 
ings of the savages, it is stated that formerly a Chief of 
the Poller Avoines finding himself dangerously sick, 
consented, after trying the ordinary remedies, to see a 
Missionary, who,, cross in hand, prayed to God for his 
recovery, and obtained it from his mercy. In gi^atitude 
for this benefit, the Chief desired that to his arms should 
be added a Cross on whkh the Kiliou has ever since 
been always perched. 

Pouteoatamis. In 1728 there was a village of this 
name retired on an island to the number of 
The Bay. At the head of this Lake is the sojowtn, or 
rather the country of the Sakis. This na- 
tion could put under arms one hundred and 
fifty men. Others da not count but one 
hundred and twenty. They have for de- 
^■i vice, a Crab, a Wolf, and a She-Bear. 



> -ic 







The Ki( 

The Ma 

LiiP X "I 

These a 
the great 
Lakes Sup 
ing again i 

St. Louis, 


Fox River. 

Fox river difioharges into tbis Lake. T^is nation now 
migratory, conasts, when not separated, still of one 
hundred men bearing arms, ..... 

They bare for device, a Fox. 
The Kickapous, formerly their allies, may be eighty 
men. They bear for device the Pheasant 
and the Otter, . . - - - 
The Maskoutin has for armorial device the \yoIf and 
the Stag. This nation is estimated at sixty 
men, - - 



• * 





"River St. Joseph f south of Lake Michigan. 

Ti^ip y 'ie'<atamieB, who call themselves the Governor's 
eldest sons, compose the village of St. Jo- 
seph, to the number of one hundred war- 

The principal families have for device the 
Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tor- 

There are in the village about ten Miamis 
who bear in their arms, a Crane, 
^ Eight Illinois Easkakias are also included 

whose device is a feather of an arrow, 
cp^^^x^-fc^cs^:*" notched j ( X ) or two ar- 
rows supported one against the other in sal- 
tier (like a St. Andrew's cross.) 
These are the nations best known to us as well along 
the great river of the Outawas as north and south of 
Lakes Superior and Michigan. I propose now proceed- 
ing again from Montreal by way of the Lakes to Mis- 

From Montreal on the Lake route, I spoke of Sault 
St. Louis, on the first sheet. 





e«* \ ,1- 





Some Iroquois, to the number of eight or ten men have 

,,j retired to this quarter. Their device, is 

without doubt, like that of the village from 

which issue the Deer, the Plover, &c., as 

V . hereafter, - 

Lake Ontario, or south of Frontenac. 

There are no more Iroquois settled. 

The Mississagu^s are dispersed along thlj lake, some at 

Kent6, others at the River Toronto, and 

.)d ' finally at the head of the Lake, to the num- 

' ber of one hundred and fifty in all, and at 


The principal tribe is that of the Crane. 

J^orth of Lake Ontario. 
The Iroquois are in the interior and in five villages, 
about fifteen leagues from the Lake, on a 
pretty straight line, altho' one days journey 
distant from each other. This nation, 
though much diminished, is still powerful. 

South of Lake Frontenac. 

The Onondagoes number two hundred warriors. The 
device of the village is a Cabin on the top 
of a mountain, 

The Mohawks, towards New-England, not far from 
Orange (Albany) are eighty men, and have 
for device of the village a Battefeu [a 
Steel ] and a flint, - . . . 

The Oneidas, their neighbours, number one hundred men 

or a hundred warriors, - - - - 

This village has for device a Stone in a 

fork of a tree, or in a tree notched with 

some blows of an axe. 




-j.i i. 



The Tusi 


1 M. DB 

alluded to. 
hkd much 



The Cayugas form a village of one hundred and twenty 
warriors. Their device generally is a very 
large Calumet, 

The Senecas form two villages in which are three hun- 
dred and fifty men. Their device is a big 
> . Mountain, 

>>:•.;) Besides the arms of each village, each 

tribe has its own, and every man has his 
particular mark to designate him. Thus 
the Oneida designates his village by a Stone 
[in] a fork — next he designates his tribe by 
the bird or animal, and finally he denotes 
himself by his punctures. See the designs 
which I had the honor to send you in 1732 
by Father Francois, the RecoUet. 
, The five villages which belong to the 
same tribe, have for their arms in common, 
the Plover, to which I belong;* the Bear, 
the Tortoise, the Eel, the Deer, the Beaver, 
the Potatoe, the Falcon, the Lark, and the 

I doubt not but the other nations are as 
well distinguished, but our voyageurs, hav- 
ing little curiosity in these matters, have not 
been able to give me any information. 

The Tuscarorens have a village of two hundred and 
fifty men near the Onondagoes, who brought 
them along. I know not their hierogly- 

The Iroquois have some cabins at the 
Portage, (Niagara, Lake Ontario.) 





,M '^.^r 



1 M. DX JoNCAiBE, the supposed author of this Report, is here thought to be 
alluded to. He was adopted at an early period by the Senecas, among whom he 
had much influence. 




Lake ErU and Dtpendancies^ m the Somih Side. 
The Chaouanoiu towards Carolina, are two hundred 


The FlatheadS) Cherakis, Chicachas, Totiris, are in- 
cluded under the name of Flatheads by the 
Iroquois, who estimate them at OTer six 
tkoustoid men, in more than thirty villages. 
They have told me they had for device a 
Vessd, (im Vaisseau.) 

The Ontationou^, that is those who speak the latigaage 
. of men; so called by the Iroquois because 
.' they understand each other — may be fifty 
men. I am ignorant of them. 

The Miamis have for device the Hind and the Crane. 
These are the two principal tribes. There 
is likewise that of the Bear. They are two 
hundred men, bearing arms. 

The Ouyattanont, Peanguichias, Petikokias, are the 
same Nation, though in different villages. 
They can place under arms three hundred 
and fifty men. - - - 
? Hie devices of these savages are the Ser- 
pent, the Deer, and the Small Acorn. 

The Illinois, Metchigamias at Fort Chartres, number 
two hundred and fifty men. 

The Kaskakias, six leagues below, have a village of 
one hundred warriors. ... 

The Peorias, at the Rock, are fifty men. 

TheKaokias, or Tamarois, can furnish two hundred men. 
All those savages comprehended under the name of 

Illinois have, for device, the Crane, the Bear, the 

White Hind, the Fork, the Tortoise. 

River of the Missouris. 
The Missouris. 

The Okams or Kams6, the Sotos, and the Panis. 







The Hui 

The Pout 

The Outa 







At the end 

I have spo 
* I do not ] 

• » 


This only as a note, not knowing any thing of these 
Nations except the name. 

Lake Erie. — I%e Detroit. 

The Hurons at present are two hundred men) bearing 

arms. - - - - •• . - 

They mark the Tortoise, the Bear and the 


The Pouteonatamis have a village there of one liundred 

: ^- / and eighty men.* They bear for devtce 

the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the 

Tortoise. (See, South of Lake Michtgam^ 

River St. Joseph.) . . - • 

The Outawas there have two villages, composed one of 

the tribe of Sinagos; the other of Kiska- 

kous, an^ may count two hundred warriors. 

They have the same devices as those of 

Missilimakinak; that is to say, the Bear 

/^ and Blade Squirrel. 

Lake St. Clair ^ which leads to Lake Huron. 
At the end of the Little Lake St. Clair, there is a small 
village of Mississagu^s, which numbers 
sixty men. - - . . _ 

They have the same devices as the Missis- 
sagu^s of Manitouatin and of Lake Ontario; 
that is to say, a Crane. 

' Lake Huron. ' •' ' >i 

I have spoken before of the Mississagues who are to the 

North of this Lake. — 

I do not know, on the South side, but the Gatawas, 

who have at Saguinan a village of eighty 

men, and for device the Bear and Squirrel. 

Less, - . . 

* HbU HI Orfg. Initead of 180, only 100 men muat be counted. 



.-; i 



.(•r v.r 







' ) 




All the Northern Nations have this in common; that a man 
who go'es to war denotes himself as much by the device of his 
wife's tribe as by that of his own, and never marries a woman 
who carries a similar device to his. 

If time permitted, you would, Sir, have been better satisfied 
with my researches. 

I would have written to the Interpreters of the Posts, who 
would have furnished me with more certain information than 
that I could obtain from the Voyageurs whom I questioned. I 
am engaged at the history of the Scioux, which you have asked 
from Monsieur de Linerot. 

Missilimakinak. ». . • 


WITH REMARKS. NOV. 18, 1763. 

[Lond. Doc. XXXVI.] 



Mohocks, . . . 


, i^^iurr'fit ^p i pMj nit 

qf men 




Two villages on the Mo- 
hock river, with a few 
emigrants at Scohare 
about 16 miles from 
Fort Hunter. 

Two villages, one 25 
miles from Fort Stan- 
wix, the other twelve 
miles west of Oneida 
Lake, with emigrants 
in several places tow- 
ards the Susquehanna 


Of the Six Nations the 
Mohawks or Mohocks, 
Onondages and Sene- 
cas are considered as 
the chief and elder 
branches. The Onei- 
das, Cayugas and Tiis- 
caroras are younger : 
the last mentioned 
Nation having many 
years ago retired from 
the South, and were 
admitted into the con- 
federacy with the then 





Senecas, . 


Saponeys, eti 









qf men. 



• • • • 

• • ■ • 

Cajrugas, . 





p •+ 



Saponeys, ette. 







Abenaquii> . 

• • • 


One village 6 miles from 
the first Oneidas., and 
several others about 
the Susquehanna. 


One large village 6 miles 
from the lake of their 
name (which is the 
plarn of Congress for 
the confederates) with 
a smaller at some dis 



One large village near 
the Laike of their name 
with several others 
from thence to the 

Have several villages, 
beginning about 60 m. 
from Cayuga, and from 
thence tq Chenussio, 
the largest about 70 m 
f^om Niagara, with 
others thence to the 


Five Nations, the On- 
eidas giving them land 
and they now ea\oy all 
privileuges with the 


•. !• •, •. 

Emigrants from the Six 
Nations chiefly Onon 
dages settled at La Oa- 
lette on the river St. 

A people removed from 
the southward, and 
settled on and about 
the Susquehanna on 
lands allotted by the 
Six Nations. 

Of the Senecas, two vil- 
liiges tae still in our 
interest, vizt. Kanada- 
•ero and Kanaderagey, 
the rest have jomed 
the Western Nations. 

These are at peace with 
the English. 

These people are imme- 
diately under the di- 
rection of the Six Na- 
tions, and at peace 
with the English. 


Emigrants from the Mo 
hocks, settled at Soult 
St. Louis near Mont 
real, with emigrants 
at Aghquissasne, be- 
low la Oalette which 
is the seat of a Mis 

These three Nations now 
reside together, at the 
Lac du deux Mon- 
tagues at the mouth of 
the Ottawa river near 

All these Nations are in 
alliance with the Six 
Nations, and warmly 
attached to the British 
Interest, as are all the 
other Indians in Cana- 
da. Gaghnawaga is the 
seat ofa Mission, as is 
the village of Lac du 
deux Montagnes. 

Their village having 
been burned at St. 
I^cis below Mont- 

These Indians are origi- 
nally from New-Eng- 
land: if they were ul 


1 1 









• t • 

Delaware!, . . . 

WiMidotB, etto. . . S200 




Reside at Loretto near 
Qnebee, a very eivi- 
Used people. 






real during the war, 
thef have lince lived 
nattered except a few 

Reside at Troit Rivierei, 
they are originally Al- 


collected they would 
amount to more than 
U repreiented. They 
have lilcewiie a Mii- 
■ionary who ii a Je- 

(There are several oth. 
er Nations to the North- 
ward, who avoid any 
connection with the 
white people: and as 
they have no fixed resi- 
dence, their numbers, 
though considerable, 
cannot be ascei tained.) 


Removed to the River 
Sioto, and other Bran- 

In several villages on 
and about the Suique- 
hanna, Muslcingham, 
ettc. and thence to 
Lalce Erie. 

Some villages in the 
neighborhood of San- 
dosky Fort near Lake 

These people are great- 
ly influenced by the 
benecas, and reside on 
land allotted them by 
the permission of the 
Six Nations. They are 
now at war with the 

There are also in the Six Nation Confederacy, 
many Indians, whose numbers cannot be comput- 
ed as they have no fixed residence. 



Wyandots or Hurons, 

Pow(ewatamis, . . 
in the neiglibour- 
hood of Detroit, 

of men 




Reside opposite Detroit, 
their village is the seat 
of a Jesuit Mission, 
their language hears 
affinity with that of the 
Six Nations. 

Resided about a mile be 
low the Fort,but aban- 
doned their village on 
the commenoement of 


This Nation has a great 
influence over the rest, 
and has been greatly 
instigated by the 
neighboring French to 
commit acts of hosti- 

In the nai 
of St Jo 


In the neii 
of Mich 

In the neig 
of Fort 


In the neig] 

Puans . . 
Sakis . . 




,■ \ 





qf m«» 

In the neighbourhood 
of St Joseph. 

OttawH, . . . 
residing in the 
neighbourhood ol 

In the neighbourhood 
of Miohiliinakinae. 

In the neighbourhood 
of Fort St. Joseph, 

Chipeweighs or Mis 
sissagais : in the^ 
neighbourhood of 

In the neighbourhood 
of Blidulimakinac 

Foisavoins . 
Puans . . . 
Salcis . . . 
Foxee . . 


• • • 

Kiolrapous . . . . 

Mascoutens . . . . 

Wawiaghtonos . . 

Chipeweighs, ettc. . 














Resided in difforent vil- 
Ugesybut are now pro- 
bablf with the fDrmer 
Miehiiimakinac iathe 
seat of a Mission. 


A litUe below the fort. 

Resided about Detroit, 
but with the former, 
form a flying camp. 

With these and theabore 
Indians are Joined se- 
veral othersjwho form 
a flying camp under 
PorMae, an Ottawa 

The Ottawas in the 
neighbourhood of Mi- 
ehiiimakinac are well 
attached to us for the 
most part. 

Resided at a small dis 
tance after the reduc 
tion of the Fort pro- 
bably joined the rest. 

Resided above the De- 
troit» now probably in 
arms with th* rest. 

Had several different'vil 
lages in that country, 
aiul the envifons of the 
Lake Huron. 

All these nations reside 
on the west side of la 
Baye at Lake Micbi- 

fan and in the neigh- 
orfaood of the Fort 


These are the most nu- 
merous of all the Ot- 
tawa Confederacy and 
have naay villajies 
about Lakes Superior, 
Huron, Erie, ettc. 
whose numbers cannot 
at present be ascer- 
tained with exactness. 

These nations are at pre- 
sent in alliance with 
the Ottawa Confedera- 

, cy,but appear inclined 
to our interest, nor did 
they take the fort at 
La Baye^ the oflcer 
abandoning it on the 
news of the rupture as 
he could make no de- 


Near the Fort on the 
Miamis river. 

These nations reside in 
the neighbourhood of 
the Fort at Wawiaeh 
ta, and about the Wa- 
lache river. 

Residing thro' all the 
extent of country from 
the Lakes to the Great 
Ottawa River, and abt. 
Lake Superior, ettc. 

The Twightwees were 
originally a very pow- 
erful people,who,hav- 
ing been subdued by 
the Six Nations were 
permitted to ei\joy 
their possessions. 

There are many tribes 
and villages of them, 
but these are all who 
are perfectly known. 

This is the most exact 
computation that can 
be made of these nu- 
merous people, who 
are scattered through- 








number uncertain. 

number uncertain. 


out the Northern Parts 
and who having few 
places of flxed resi- 
dence, subsisting en- 
tirely by hunting, can- 
not be ascertained as 
those of their confede- 
racy, residing near the 

We have hitherto had 
nothing to do with 
these people, who are 
numerous and various- 
ly computed. The Six 
Nations claim their 
country,but their right 
of conquest thereto 
does not appear so 
clear as to the rest, as 
represented in the let- 
ter herewith. 

The Sioux who are the 
most numerous of the 
Northern Indians, are 
little known to us,they 

in Mnding the original.] 
not appear well affect- 
ed to the Western In- 
dians, and promise to 
send Deputies to me in 
the spring. 

Reside about the Illinois 
River and hence to the 

Reside in the country 
westward of 

[One Hne cut tff here 
Mfssissipi, they are 
much addicted to wan- 
dering and live mostly 
in camps. • 


J^wember 18*, 1763. 

Wm. Johnson 

•^■- I.- I 

■hS ■ 






■ J, .: ,1 




If . ' 'i 

aijlt fm\ Settlement at d&ncnbagfl, 




lAmo 1654~a 





TO THE 001 







, 'i<!.: i 

t, )- »• 

-'«■' '■ - /■■ 

^ . r:-;>f 

On the s< 
tation of i\ 
kings, Fatb 
Iroquois Oi 
by Montrea 
habitant, y 
ther's Jourr 

On the 1 
this great i 
to us. On 
St. La wren I 
pidsj all str 

The 19th 
ble to the v 
an armyx>i 
poured do-w 
has produce 
more innocc 

20th. N 
which interi 
on the nortl 
high mountE 

2lBt. Cc 




Relation de la N. France ^s annges, 1663 and 1654.] 




i ''•', M " 

\ i 

On the second day of the month of July, the festival of the Visi- 
tation of the Most Holy Virgin always friendly to our underta- 
kings, Father LeMoine departed from Quebec on a voyage to thf 
Iroquois Onondagoes. He passed Three Rivers, and from thence 
by Montreal, where a young man of good courage, and an old 
hahitantf joined him, with much piety. I shall follow the Fa- 
ther's Journal for greater facility. 

On the 17th day of July, St. Alexis' day, we left home with 
this great and holy traveller, and departed for a land unknown 
to us. On the 18th, following always the course of the River 
St. Lawrence, we met nothing but breakers and impetuous ra- 
pids, all strewed with rocks and shoals. 

The 19th. This river grows wider and forms a lake, agreea 
ble to the view, from eight to ten leagues in length. At night, 
an army x>f troublesome musquitoes foreboded the rain which 
poured down on us the whole of the night. To be in such cir- 
cumstances without any shelter except the trees, which Nature 
has produced ever since the creation of the world, is a pastime 
more innocent and agreeable than could be anticipated. 

20th. Nothing but islands, in appearance the most beautiful, 
which intersect here and there this very quiet river. The land 
on the north bank appears to us excellent ; there is a range of 
high mountains towards the east, which we called St. Margaret's. 

21st. Continuation of the islsuids. In the evening we break 

U ' 

W: ■ 

■A a 




Is ■' 

5 f 

our bark caroej it rains all night. The naked rocks seive us 
for bed, mattrass and all. Whoever hath God with him reposes 
quietly every where. 

22d. The precipices of water whifji for a while are no longer 
navigable oblige us to carry on our shoulders both our baggage 
and the canoe which carried us. At the other side of the Rapid, 
I perceived a herd of wild cows which were passing at their ease 
in great state. Five or six hundred are seen sometimes in these 
regions in one drove. 

23d and 24th of the month. Our pilot being hurt, we must 
remain a prey to the musquitoes, and have patience, often more 
difficult in regard to the inconveniences which have no inter- 
mission neither nightnor day, than to behold death before one's 

25th. The river is so very rapid that we are obliged to throw 
ourselves in the stream to drag our canoe after us, amid the 
rocks, as a cavalier, dismounting, leads his horse by the bridle. 
At night we arrive at the entrance of Lake St. Ignatius, in which 
eels abound in a prodigious quantity. 

26th. A high wind with rain forces us to dtbark, after having 
made four leagues. A hut is soon built. The neighbouring trees 
are stript of their bark ; this is thrown on poles set in the ground 
on either side, bringing them together in the form of an arbor ; 
and then our house is built. Ambition finds no entrance into 
this palace. It failed not to be as agreeable to us as if the roof 
was all covered with gold. 

27th. We coasted along the shores of the lake; they are 
rocks on one side and the other, of an immense height, now 
frightful, now pleasing to the sight. It is wonderful how large 
trees can find root among so many rocks. 

28th. Thunder, lightning and a deluge of rain oblige us to 
shelter ourselves under our canoe, which being inverted, serves 
us for a house. 

29th and 30th July. A rain storm continues, which arrests us 
at the entrance of a great lake, called Ontario. We call it the 
Lake of the Iroquois, because they have their villages on the 
south side there. The Hurons are on the other shore, farther on 


■„» ■ j. 1/ ''I 

■rr'\ I 



in the interior. This lake is twenty leagues wide ; its length 
about forty. 

31st St. Ignatius' day. The rain and storm force us to seek 
for lost roads. We cross long islands, carrying our bagage, 
provisions and canoe on our shoulders. The road seems long to 
a poor weary man. 

On the first day of the month of August, some Iroquois fisher- 
men having perceived us from a distance, get together to receive 
us. One of them runs towards us, advancing a half a league to 
communicate the earliest news and the state of the country. It is 
a Huron prisoner, and a good Christian, whom I formerly in- 
structed during a winter that I passed among the savages. 
This poor lad could not believe that it was he whom he never 
hoped to see again. We disembarked at a little village of fisher- 
men. They crowd as to who shall carry our bagage. But alas! 
they are apparently only Huron squaws, and for the most part 
Christian women, formerly rich and at their ease, whom cap- 
tivity has reduced to servitude. They requested me to pray to 
God, and I had the consolation to confess there at my leisure 
Hostagehtak, our antient host of the Petun Nation. His senti- 
ments and devotion drew tears from my eyes ; he is the fruit of 
the labors of Father Charles Gamier, that holy missionary whose 
death has been so precious before God. 

The second day of August. We walked about twelve to fif- 
teen leagues in the woods. We camp where the day closes. 

The 3d. At noon we find ourselves on the bank of a river, one 
hundred or one hundred and twenty paces wide, beyond which 
there was a hamlet of fishermen. An Iroquois whom I at one 
time had treated kindly at Montreal, put me across in his canoe^ 
and through respect carried me on his shoulders, being unwilling 
to suffer me to wet my feet. Every one received me with joy, 
and these poor people enriched me from their poverty. I was 
conducted to another village a league distant, where there was a 
young man of consideration who made a feast for me because I 
bore his father's name, Ondessonk. The Chiefs came to harangue 
us, the one after the other. I baptized little skeletons who 







awaited, perhaps, only this drop of the precious blood of Jesus 

4th. They ask me Why we are dressed in black ? and I take 
occasion to speak to them of our mysteries with great attention. 
They bring roe a little moribund whom I call Dominick. The 
time is passed when they used to hide the little innocents from 
ns. They took me for a great Medicine-man, having no other 
remedy for the sick but a pinch of sugar. We pursued our route 
—in the middle of which we found our dinner w^aiting for us. 
The nephew of the first Chief of the country, who is to lodge me 
in his cabin, is deputed by his uncle to escort us, bringing us 
every delicacy that the season could afford, especially new corn 
bread, and ears (of corn) which we had roasted at the fire. We 
slept again that day by the beautiful light of the istars. 

6th. We had to make four leagues before arriving at the prin- 
cipal Onondaga village. There is nothing but comers and goers 
on the road vho come to salute me. One treats me as brother ; 
another as uncle — never did I have such a number of relations. 
A quarter of a league from the village I began a harangue, which 
gained me much credit. I named all the Chiefs, the families and 
persons of note in a drawling voice and with the tone of a chief. 
I told them that Peace walked along with me ; that I drove War 
afar ofl among the distant nations, and that Joy accompanied me. 
Two Chiefs made their speech to me on ray arrival, but with a 
gladness and cheerfulness of countenance which I never had seen 
among sa^'ages. Men, women and children, all were respectful 
and friendly. 

At night I called the principal men together to make them two 
presents. The first to wipe their faces, so that they may regard 
me with a kindly eye, and that I may never see a trace of sorrow 
on their foreheads. The second to clear out the liltle gall which 
they still might have in their hearts. After several other dis- 
courses they retired to consult together, and finally they respond- 
ed to my presents by tw^o other presents richer than mine. 

6th. I was calle'^ to divers quarters to administer my medi- 
cine to weakly and hectic little things. I baptized some of them. 




I confessed some of our old Huron Christians, and found God 
every where, and that He pleased to work himself in hearts 
where faith reigns. He builds himself a temple there, where he 
is adored in spirit and truth. Be He blessed for ever. 

At night our host draws me aside and tells me very affection- 
ately that he always loved us, that finally his heart was satisfied, 
seeing all the tribes of his nation demanded nothing but peace : 
that the Seneca had recently come to exhort them to manage this 
matter well for peace, and that with that view he had made 
splendid presents : that the Cayuga had brought three belts for 
that purpose, and that the Oneida was glad to be rid of such a 
bad affair through his means, and that he desired nothing but 
peace : that the Mohawk would, no doubt, follow the others, 
and thus I might take courage, since I bore with me the happi- 
ness of the whole land. 

7th. A good Christian named Terese, a Huron captive, wish- 
ing to pour out her soul to me away from noise and in silence, 
invited me to visit her in a field cabin where she lived. My 
God ! What sweet consolation to witness so much faith in sa- 
vage hearts, in captivity, and without other assistance than that 
of heaven. God raises up Apostles every where. This good 
Christian woman had with her a young captive of the neutral na- 
tion {de la Xfation J^eutre)^ whom she loved as her own daugh- 
ter. She had so well instructed her in the mysteries of the 
faith, and in sentiments of piety, in the prayers they made in 
this holy solitude, that I was much surprised. Eh ! sister, I 
asked, why did you not baptise her, since she has the faith like 
you, and she is Christian in her morals, and she wishes to die a 
Christian 1 Alas, brother, this happy captive replied, I did not 
think it was allowed me to baptise, except in danger of death. 
Baptise her now, yourself, since you consider her worthy, and 
give her my name. This was the first adult baptism at Gnon- 
dago J we are indebted for it to the piety of a Huron. 

I I 

•^m^' :'i,r>',^-.' .v,'AV^4i.^4'i' >»v-?';«f)'^rt'».J.' 


i ■■ . 








[From the Same.] 

On the 10th day of August, the deputies of the three neigh- 
bouring Nations having arrived, after the usual summons of the 
Chiefs that all should assemble in Ondessonk's cabin, I opened 
the proceedings (says the Father, continuing his Journal) by 
public prayer, which I said on my knees and in a loud voice, 
all in the Huron tongue. I invoked the Great Master of heaven 
and of earth to inspire us with what should be for his glory and 
our good ; I cursed all the demons of hell who are spirits of di- 
vision ; I prayed the tutelar angels of the whole country to touch 
the hearts of those who heard me, when my words should strike 
their ear. ' 

I greatly astonished them when they heard me naming all by 
nations, by tribes, by families and each particular individual of 
any note, and all by aid of my manuscript, which was a matter 
as wonderful as it was new. I told them I was the bearer of 
nineteen words to them. 

The first : That it was Onnonthio, M. de Lauzon, Governor of 
New France, who spoke by my mouth, and then the Hurons and 
the Algonquins as well as the French, for all these three nations 
had Onnonthio for their Great Chief. A large belt of wampum, 
one hundred little tubes or pipes of red glass, the diamonds of the 
country, and a caribou's hide being passed : these three presents 
made but one word. 

My second word was, to cut the bonds of the eight Seneca pri- 
soners, taken by our allies and brought to Montreal, as already 

The third was, to break the bonds of the Mohegans also, cap- 
tured about the same time. 



The fourth ; to thank those of Onontago for having brought 
our prisoner back. 

The fifth present was, to thank the Senecas for having saved 
him from the scaffold. 

The sixth for the Cayuga Iroquois, for having also contributed. 

The seventh, for the Oneidas for having broken the bonds 
which kept him a prisoner. * 

The 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th presents to be given to the four 
Iroquois Nations — a hatchet each— for the new war they were 
waging against the Cat Nation. 

The twelfth present was to heal the head of the Seneca who 
had lost some of his people. 

The thirteenth, to strengthen his palissades ; to wit, that he 
may be in a state of defence against the enemy. 

The fourteenth, to ornament his face : for it is the custom of 
warriors here never to go to battle unless with the face painted, 
some black, some red, others with various other colors, each ha- 
ving herein as if particular liveries to which they cling even 
unto death. 

The fifteenth to concentrate all their thoughts. I made three 
presents for this occasion ; one wampum belt, little glass beads 
and an elk hide. 

The sixteenth — ^I opened Annonchiasse's door to all the Na- 
tions ; that is, they would be welcome among us. 

The seventeenth. I exhorted them to become acquainted with 
the truths of our faith, and made three presents for this object. 

The eighteenth. I asked them not to prepare henceforward 
any ambushes for the Algonquin and Huron Nations, who would 
come to visit us in our French settlement. I made thre6 presents 
for this purpose. 

Finally, by the nineteenth present I wiped away the tears of 
all the young warriors for the death of their great Chief Annen- 
craos, a short time prisoner with the Cat Nation. 

At each present they heaved a powerful ejaculation from the 
bottom of the chest in testimony of their joy. I was full two 
hours making my whole speech, talking like a Chief, and walk- 
ing about like an actor on a stage, as is their custom. 




■ ii 

\\ i 




I i 


After that they grouped together apart in nations and tribes, 
calling to them a Mohawk who by good luck was there They 
consulted together for the space of two hours longer. Finally 
they called me among them and seated me in an hononible place 

The Chief who is the tongue of the country, repeats faithfully 
as orator the substance of all my words. Then all set to singing 
in token of their gratification j I was told to pray God on my 
side, which I did very willingly. After these songs he spoke to 
me in the name of his Nation. 1. He thanked Onnontio for hif: 
good disposition towards them, and brought forward for this pur 
pose two large belts of wampum. 

2. He thanked us in the name of the Mohawk Iroquois for ha- 
ying given their lives to five of their allies of the Mohegan Na- 
tion. Two other belts for that. 

3. He thanked us in the name of the Seneca Iroquois for ha- 
ving drawn five of their tribe out of the fire. Two more belts. 
Ejaculations from the whole assembly follow each present. 

Another Captain of the Oneida Nation rises : Onnontio, said 
he — speaking of M. de Lauzon our Governor — Onnontio thou art 
the pillar of the Earth ; thy spirit is a spirit of peace and thy 
words soften the hearts of the most rebellious spirits. After 
other compliments expressed in a tone animated by love and res- 
pect, he produced four large belts to thank Onnontio for having 
encouraged them to fight bravely against their new enemies of the 
Cat Nation, and for having exhorted them never again to war 
against the French. Thy voice, said he, Onnontio is wonderful, 
to produce in my breast at one time two effects entirely dissimilar; 
thou animatest me to war, and softenest my heart by the thoughts 
of peace ; thou art great both in peace and war, mild to those 
whom thou lovest, and terrible to thine enemies. We wish thee 
to love us, and we will love the French for thy sake. 

In concluding these thanks, the Onontaga Chief took up the 
word. Listen Ondessonk, said he to me ; five entire nations 
speak to thee through my mouth. My breast contains the senti- 
ments of the Iroquois Nations, and my tongue responds faithfully 
to my breast. Thou wilt tell Onnontio four things, the sum of 
all our councils. .„ . 



14 /' f 

1. We are willing to acknowledge Him of wliom thou hast 
spoken, who is the master of our lives, who is unknown to us. 

2. Our council tree is this day planted at Onr ga — meaning 
that that would be, henceforth, the place of tbeu ...octings and of 
their negotiations for peace. 

2. We conjure you to select on the banks of our great lake an 
advantageous site for a French settlement. Fix yourself in the 
heart of the country, since you ought to possess our hearts. 
There we shall go for instruction, and from that point you will 
be able to spread yourself abroad in every direction. Be unto us 
careful as fathers and we shall be unto you submissive as children. 

4. We are engaged in new wars ; Onnonlio encourages us. 
We shall entertain no other thought towards him than those of 

They reserved their richest presents for these Idst four words ; 
but I can assure you their countenances told more than their 
tongues, and expressed joy mingled with so much mildness that 
my heart was full. What appeared to me most endearing in all 
this was that all our Huron Christians and the captive women, 
lighted this fire which.melts the hearts of the Iroquois. They told 
them so much good of us, and spoke so often of the great value 
of the Faith, that they prize it without being acquainted with it ; 
and they love us in the hope that we shall be for them what we 
have been for the Indians. To return to the Father's Journal: 

The llth day of August. There is nothing but feasts and re- 
joicings every where. A misfortune occurred, however, at night. 
A cabin catching fire, no one knew how, an impetuous wind 
drove the flames to the others, and in less than two hours more 
than twenty were reduced to ashes, and the remainder of the vil- 
lage was in danger of being burnt. God preserved all hearts 
however in the joy of the preceding day, and their dispositions as 
•aim towards me as if this misfortune had never happened. 

The 12th. Our Christian captives wishing to confess before 
my departure gave me employment, or rather repose which I 
wished for. I baptized a little girl of four years who was dying. 
I recovered from the hands of these barbarians, the New Testa- 
ment of the late Father Jean de Brebouf, whom they put to a 




cruel death five years ago, and a small book . of devotion which 
was used by the late Father Charles Gamier whom they also 
killed four years ago. 

The 13th. Came the leave taking. Observing the custom of 
friends on similar occasions, having convoked the Council, I 
made them two presents to console them. And with this view I 
first planted in the name of Achiendasse (which is the appellation 
of the General Superior of all our Society's Missions in these 
countries) the first post on which to begin a cabin. This is like 
laying the first stone in France of a house one intends to build. 
My second present was to throw down the first bark that is to 
cover the cabin. This evidence of affection satisfied them, and 
three of their Chiefs thanked me publicly in speeches which one 
could not be persuaded issued from the lips of men called sava- 

Nevertheless they seek me every where to give me my parting 
feast, all the men and women of consideration being invHed in 
my name into our cabin, according to the custom of the country, 
in order to do honor to my departure. We part in good company. 
After the public cry of the Chief, every one vies to carry our lit- 
tle baggage. 

About half a league from there we found a group of old men, 
all Chiefs of the Council, who waited to bid me Adieu hoping 
for my return for which they ardently testified their wishes. 

16th. We arrive at the entrance of a small lake in a large 
half dried basin ; we taste the water of a spring that they durst 
not drink, saying that there is a Demon in it which renders it 
foetid ; having tasted it I found it was a fountain of Salt water ; 
and in fact we made Salt from it as natural as that from the sea ; 
of which we carried a sample to Quebec. This lake abounds in 
fish — in salmon trout and other fish. 

17th. We enter their river, and at a quarter of a league meet 
at the left the Seneca river, which increases this ; it leads, they 
say, to Cayuga (Onioen) and to Seneca in two sunsets. At three 
leagues of a fine road from there, we leave the River Oneida 



(Oneiout) which appears to us very deep. Finally a good 
league lower down we meet a rapid which gives the name to a 
village of fishermen. I found there some of our Christians and 
some Huron Christian women whom I had not yet seen. 

19th. We proceed on our journey on the same river which is 
of a fine width and deep throughout, except some shoals where 
we must get into the water and draw the canoe lest the rocks 
break it. 

20. We arrive at the Great Lake, Ontario, called the Lake 
of the Iroquois. 

21. This lake is in a fury in consequence of the violence of 
the winds after a storm of rain. 

22. Coasting quietly the shores of this Great Lake, my sailors 
kill with a shot from a gun, a large stag : my companion and I 
content ourselves looking at them broiling their stakes, it being 
Saturday, a day of abstinence for us. 

23. We arrive at the place which is fixed on for our house 
and a French settlement. Beautiful prairies, good fishing ; a 
resort of all Nations. There I found new Christians who con- 
fessed themselves and furnished me with devotion in their senti- 
ments of piety. 

24 and 25. Being windbound, one of our canoes foundered 
on the 26, our sailors having embarked before the tempest had 
abated, and we thought we should have perished— finally we cast 
ourselves on an island where we dried ourselves at our leisure. 

27. In the evening a little lull afforded us time to regain the 
main land. 

28 and 29. The chase stops our sailors who are in the best 
possible humor ; for flesh is the paradise of the man of flesh. 

30 and last of August. The rain and wind seriously inconve- 
nience poor travellers, who having worked all day are badly pro- 
vided for at night. 

1«* day of Sept. I never saw so many deer, but we had no 
inclination to hunt. My companion killed three as if against his 
will. What a pity ! for we left all the venison there, reserving 
the hides and some of the most delicate morsels. 






2*' of the month. Travelling through vast prairies, we saw in 
divers quarters immense herds of wild bulls and cows ; their horns 
resemble in some respect the antlers of the stag. 

3'' and 4'''. Our game does not leave us ; it seems that veni- 
son and game follow us every where. Droves of twenty cows 
plunge into the water as if to meet us. Some are killed, for sake 
of amusement, by blows of an axe. 

6. In one day we travel over the road which took us two long 
days ascending the rapids and breakers. 

6. Our Sault St. Louis frightens my folks. They land me 
four leagues above tlie settlement of Montreal, and God gave me 
sufficient strength to arrive before noon, and to celebrate mass, of 
which I was depriveil during my whole voyage. 

7. I proceed and descend to Three Rivers where my sailors 
desire to go. We arrived at Quebec on the eleventh day of the 
month of September of this year, 1664. 




[Relation, &c. 1657 and 1668.] ' 

The word Onnota, which signifies, in the Iroquois tongue, a 
Mountain, has given the name to the village called Onnonta^, or 
as others call it, Onnontagu6, because it is on a mountain ; and 
the people who inhabit it consequently style themselves Onnon- 
tae-ronnons, or Onnontagu^-ronnons. These people have for a 

long time and earnestly demanded that some priests of our 
1655. Society be sent to their country. Finally, Father Joseph 

Chaumont and Father Claude Dablon were granted to 
ihem, in the year 1655. They embarked on the IBt^* Sept., and 
dnived at Onnontagu6 the 5^^ November of the same year 1656. 



These two good fatliors finding themselves listened to 

1666. with approval and kindness, Father Dablon left Onnonta 
gu6 on the second day of March of the following year 

1656, to look for help at Quebec, where he arrived in the begin 
ning of April, and departed thence on the 17th May, in company 
with three Fathers and two brothers of the Society, and a good num 
ber of Frenchmen, who all proceeded towards this new country, 
where they arrived on the 1 1"* day of July of the same year, 1666. 
In the year 1657, the harvest appearing plentiful in all 

1667. the villages of the upper Iroquois, the common people 
listening to the words of the gospel with simplicity and the 

Chiefs with a well disguised dissimulation. Father Paul Rague- 
neau, Father Francois Du Peron, some Frenchmen and several 
Hurons, departed from Montreal the 26''> July, to aid their bre- 
thren and compatriots. 

On the 3"* day of the month of August of the same year 1657, 
the perfidy of the Iroquois began to develop itself by the massa- 
cre which they made of the poor Hurons whom they brought into 
their country, after thousands of protestations of kindness and 
thousands of oaths, in their style, that they should treat them as 
brothers. And had not a number of Iroquois remained among 
the French, near Quebec, to endeavor to bring with them the rest 
of the Hurons, who distrusting these traitors, would not embark 
with the others, the Fathers and the Frenchmen who ascended 
with them would have then been destroyed ; and all those who 
remained on the banks of Lake Ganantaa, near to Onnontagu^, 
would shortly after have shared the same fate. But the fear that 
the French would wreak vengeance on their countrymen, staid thcii 
design, of which oiir fathers had had secret intelligence immediately 
on their arrival in the country. Even a captain who was acquainted 
with the secret of the Chiefs, having taken some liking to the 
preachings of the Gospel, and finding himself very sick, demand- 
ed Baptism ; having received it with sufficient instruction, he dis- 
covered the evil designs of his countrymen to those who attended 
him, and went a short time afterwards to Heaven. 

• *«**• 

The 9tl> of the month of September. Our fathers at Onnonta 








5' i 

M :-. 

gu^ sent two' canoes to Quebec with intelligence of the massacre 
of the poor Huron Christians, treacherously put to death by these 
barbarians, as we remarked above, 3 August of the year 1657. 

The T*'* of the month of November. Two Mohawks departed 

from Quebec, and took a third at Three Rivers A 

number of letters from divers quarters were given to them for 
Father Le Moine, part of which were to be sent to our Fathers 
and our French of Onnontagu6 thro' the medium of the Mo- 
hawks, who often go to that country. 

It is true that the Mohawks faithfully delivered the letters to 
Ondessonk, because they feared evil for their people detained by 
the French. But for the letters addressed to our French at On- 
nontagu6, the Mohawk who was the bearer thereof, threw them 
in the river, or gave them, probably, to the chiefs of the country. 
But these good fellows, who wished to rid themselves of the preach- 
ers of the gospel and of those who assisted them, threw them into 
the fire. > * i^ 

The Onnonta^u^ sent by Monsieur de Maisonneuve did 
still worse : for he told the chiefs of the nation, that the French 
were leagued principally with the Algonquins to niake war on 
them, and that they had killed his comrade. It was an Algon- 
quin killed him on his way to war as we have remarked on the 
3<* November. Nothing more was necessary to excite these furious 
men, who had already concluded on the death of some and the 
captivity of others. They were desirous, however, to act in con- 
cert with the Mohawks, who could, no more than the others, re- 
concile theiLselves to the detention of their people, believing it 
very unjust. 

Our poor French were, meanwhile, much astonished at re- 
ceiving no c6vtain news either from Quebec, Three Rivers, or 
Montreal. These barbarians had entirely cut off all communi- 
cation, so that Mons"". de Dailleboust's orders were not deliv- 
ered to Mons"". Du Puis, who commanded the soldiers, nor a 
letter to any of the French whomsoever. 




•. :-- •«;■• ■; t /:•*■:' ['.y/r .-' ,'\ ■ ' *'' ', 


[From the same.] 

Though it be true that the Iroquois are subtle, adroit and great 
cheats, I nevertheless cannot persuade myself that they possess so 
much inteMgence, so much tact, and that they are such great poli- 
ticians as to have had recourse to the ruses and intrigues imputed 
to them to destroy the French, the Hurons, the Algonquins, and 
their allies. 

\ They urged for many years with incredible persistence ; with 
evidences of especial affection and even with threats of rupture 
and war, if their friendship were despised and their demand reject- 
ed ; they insisted, I say, and solicited that a goodly number of 
French should accompany them into their country, the one to 
instruct, the others to protect them against their enemies, as a 
token of peace and alliance with them. 

The Mohawks desired to thwart this scii< me ; they fought the 
one against the other even unto polluting the earth with blood 
and murder. Some believed that all that was mere feint, the better 
to mask their game ; but it would seem to me not a very pleasant 
game when the stakes are life and blood. I strongly doult that 
Iroquoy policy should extend so far as that, and that Barbarians 
who repose but little confidence in each other, should so long 
conceal their intrigues. I believe rather that the Onnontagu6 Iro- 
quois demanded some Frenchmen in sincerity, but with views very 
different. The Chiefs finding themselves engaged in heavy wars 
against a number of nations whom they had provoked, asked for 
Hurons as reinforcements to their warriors ; they wished for the 
French to obtain firearms from them, and to repair those which 
might be broken. Further, as the Mohawks treated them some- 
times very ill when passing through their villages to trade with 
the Dutch, they were anxious to rise out of this dependence in 


i '-' 


opening a trade with the French. This is not all, the fate of 
arms being fickle, they demanded that our Frenchmtn should erect 
a vast fort in their country to serve as a retreat for them, or at least 
for their wives and children in case their enemies pressed too 
close on them. Here ure the views of the Iroquois politicians. 
The common people did not penetrate so far ahead j curiosity to 
see strangers come from such a distance, the hope of deriving 
some little profit, created a desire to see them ; but the Christian 
Hurons and captives among the people, and those who approved 
their lives and conversations which they sometimes held regarding 
our belief, breathed nothing in the world so much as 'l^e coming 
of Preachers of the Gospel who had brought them forth unto 
Jesus Christ. ' 

But so soon as the Captains and Chiefs became masters of their 
enemies, having crushed all the Nations who had attacked them ; 
so soon as they believed that nothing could resist their arms, the 
recollection of the wrongs they pretended to have formerly 
experiencfed from the Hurons; the glory of triumphing over Euro- 
peans as well as Americans, caused them to take the resolution to 
revenge themselves on the one and destroy the other ; so that at 
the very moment they saw the dreaded Cat Nation subjugated by 
their arms and by the power of the Senecas, their allies, they 
would have massacred all the French at Onnontagu^, were it not 
that they pretended to make use of them as a decoy to attract 
some Hurons and to massacre them as they had already done. And 
if the influence of some of their tribe, then resident at Quebec, had 
not staid them, the path to Onnontagu^ had become the tomb to 
Frenchmen as well as to Hurons, as will be seen hereafter. From 
ihat time forth our people, having discovered their conspiracy, 
and perceived that their death was concluded on, bethought them 
on their retreat, which shall be described in the following letter. 






►. f. :C. I TiimTrrm TkiTTT Tk > AivT'n'&m * «t ;» n..^^ -..Vi 


-U atiiOet 'lol 

r<ym iyilV^. ^^ ^^^^ ^ ^^^ PROVINCE OF FRANCE. 

'^"^^ '"'" PaxChristi. 

My R. Father, - ^'' v' owo. ... ■.,;........ 

' lf if' 

The present is to inform Y. R. of our return from the Iroquois 
mission, loaded with some spoils rescued from Hell. We bear 
in our hands more than five hundred children and a number of 
adults, the most part of whom died after Baptism. We have re- 
established Faith and piety in the hearts of a poor captive church, 
the first foundations of which we had laid in the Huron Country. 
We have proclaimed the gospel unto all the Iroquois Nations so 
that they are henceforth without excuse, and God will be fully 
justified against them at the great day of judgment. * """ 

The Devil enraged at seeing us reap so fine a harvest and en- 
joy so amply the fruits of our enterprise, made use of the incon- 
stancy of the Iroquois to drive us from the centre of his estates; 
for these Barbarians, without other motive than to follow their 
volatile humor, renewed the war against the French, the first 
blows of which w^re discharged on our worthy Christian Hurons, 
who went up with us to Onnontagu6 at the close of the last 
summer, and who were cruelly massacred in our arms and in 
our bosom by the most signal treason imaginable. They then 
made prisoners of their poor wives and even burned some of 
them with their children of three and four years, at a slow fire. 

This bloody execution was followed by the murder of three 
Frenchmen at Montreal by the Oneidas, who scalped them and 
carried these as if in triumph into their villages in token of de- 
clared war. This act of hostility having obliged M. Dailleboust, 
then commanding in this country, to cause a dozen of Iroquois, 
in part Onnontagu6s and mostly Mohawks, to be arrested and 
put in irons at Montreal, Three Rivers and Quebec, where they 
happened to be at the time, both Iroquois Nations became irri- 


f ij^T s^T|.S(4ifMT Ay mimA9h 

tated at this detentirn of their people, pretending that it was 
unjust; and to cruelly avenge themselves convoked a secret 
Council where they formed the scheme of an implacable war 
against the French. Yet, they judged it fitting to dissimulate 
for som'^ time u^til thffo^gh t)ie ristjgit^ of Father Simon Le* 
Moine, tht.n with the Mohawks, they should h^ve obtained t^e 
delivery of th><%ir folks who were in irons. In that Council they 
even looked on our persons as precious hostages, either for the 
exchange of some of their tribe who were in prisop, or obtaiii- 
ment of whatever ple^^sed them when wijthjui view pf pur Frjejich 
settlements they should ojuake us feel the efiects of their cruielty; 
doubting not that these horrible spectacles and tl^e lamentations of 
forty and fiHy innocent Frenchmen would touch with compassion 
and distress the Governor and inhabitants of what place SiO ever. 

We were only privaitely acquainted with these disastrous de- 
signs of the Iroquois, but we openly saw their spirits prepared 
for war ; and in the month of February divers bapds took tjb^e 
field for that purpose, 200 Mohawks on the one side, 40 Oneidas 
on the other ; some Onnontagu^ warriors had already gone for- 
ward whilst the main body of the army was assembling. 

We could not e;|cpeot, speakug humanly) to extricate from 
these dangers, by which we were surrounded on all sides, some 
fifty Frenchmen who had entrusted to us their lives and for 
whom we should feel ourselves responsible before God and men. 
What distressed us the most was, not so much the flames into 
which a part of our Frenchmen would be cast, as the unfortuna^ 
captivity to which the most of them were destined by the Iro- 
quois, in which the salvation of their souls waa more to be 
dreaded than the loss of their bodies. This is what the greater 
number most especially apprehended, who already seeing them- 
selves prisoners, coveted rather the stroke of the hatchet or eveQ 
the flames, than this captivity. They were determined in order 
to avoid this last misfortune, even to risk all and to fly eacl), hU 
way in the woods, to perish there of hunger and wretchedness or 
to attempt to reach some of the French settlements. 

In these circumstances so precipitous, our Fathers and I and a 
gentleman named Monsieur du Puys, who commanded all our 

AHP OISOOYKBY of the salt 8PEING8. 


Frenchmen and a garrison of soldiers, nine of whom had already 
of themselves resolved to abandon us, concluded that it would 
be better to withdraw in a body, either to encourage one another 
to die or to sell life more dearly. For that reason it became 
necessary to depart without breathing a syllable about it ; for the 
least suspicion that the Iroquois would have bad of our retreat, 
would hurry down on us the disaster we would avoid. But how 
hope to be able to depart without being discovered, being in the 
heart of the country, and always Jbeset by a number of these Bar- 
barians who left not our house so as to watch our countenances 
m this conjuncture *? It k true they never imagined that we 
should have had the courage to undertake this exploit, knowing 
well that we had neither canoes, nor sailors, and that we were 
unacquainted with the paths topped by precipices where a dpzen 
Iroquois could easily defeat us: Besides, the season was insup- 
portable on account of the cold of the frozen water through 
which, under all circumstances, the canoes were to be dragged, 
throwing ourselves into the river ard remaining there entire 
hours, sometimes up to the neck, and we never hat! undertaken 
such expeditions without having savages for guides. 

Notwithstanding these obstacles which appeared insurmounta- 
ble to them ?.s well as to us, God, who holds in His hands all the 
moments ci out lives, so happily inspired usj with all that was 
necessary to be done, that having departed on the 20t'> day of 
March from our house of Ste. Marie^ near Onnontagu6, at eleven 
o'clock at night. His divine providence guiding us, as if by a 
continued miracle, in the mi ^-i of all imaginable dangers, we ar- 
rived at Quebec on the 23^ of the month of April, having passed 
Montreal and Three Rivers before any canoe could be launched, 
the river not having been open for navigation until the very day 
that we made our appearance. 

From the same to the same. 

Your Rev. will be glad to learn tlie particulars of our depart- 
ure from Ste. Marie of the Iroquois. * * » * » 
The resolution being taken to quit that country where God took 
through us, the small number of his disciples, the difficulties ap- 

, i 

t 'i 



U ? 


•I? '! 


i t'- 


pvaied insurmountable in their execution for which every thing 
failed us. . (*•■,- 

To supply the want of canoes, we had built, in secret, two 
Batteaux of a novel and excellent structure to pass the rapids ; 
these batteaux drew but very little water and carried considera- 
ble freight, fourtoen or fifteen men each, amounting to fifteen to 
sixteen hundred weight. We had moreover four Algonquin and 
four Iroquois canoes, which were to compose our little fleet of 
fifty -three Frenchmen. • ' 

But Ihe difficulty was to embark unperceived by the Iroquois 
wit)o constantly beset us. The batteaux, canoes and Al the equi- 
I »ge could not be conveyed without great noise, and yet without 
6(.\ :ery there was nothing to be expected save a general massacre 
of b'l of US the moment it would be discovered that we enter- 
tuineu the least thought of withdrawinfj. 

On that account we invited all th'.- Savages in our neighbour- 
hood to a solemn feast at which \vu employed all our industry, 
and spared neither the noise of drums nor instruments of music, 
to deceive them by harmless device. He who presided at this 
ceremony played his part with so much address and success, that 
all were desirous to contribute to the publick joy: Every one 
vied in uttering the most piercing cries, now of war, anon of re- 
joicing. The Savages, through complaisance, sung and danced 
after the French fashion and the French in the Indian style. To 
encourage theri the more in this fine play, presents were distri- 
buted amonr>: those who acted best their parts and who made the 
greatest notse to drown that caused by about forty of our people 
outside -ivho were engaged in rr n oving all our equipage. The 
embarcation being completed, the feast was concluded at a fixed 
time ; the guests retired, and sleep having soon overwhelmed 
them, we withdrew from our house by a back door and embarked 
with very little noise, without bidding adieu to the Savages, who 
were acting cunning parts and were thinking to amuse us to the 
hour of our massacre with fair appearances and evidences of 
good will. 

Our little Lake on which we silenllv sailed in the darkness of 
the night, froze according as we advanced and caused us to fv'ar 


being stoj 

God, hov 

and all th 

falls, we { 

twenty les 

wa5 the n 

part ire th 

twelve it ^ 

disorder, t 

veiling ten 

to land ai 

through US 

have serve 

have strucl 


load, in wl: 

after we e 

the snow ai 

the ice. 

Ten days 
we floated, 
the ice, ax« 
terwards a 
dered. Foi 
we found o\ 
quantity of 1 
on as many 
teaux which 
ter and all o 
with the roa 
dreadful wn 
ourselves, tl 
selves into tl 
never been, 
being engulf 
which, notw 
keep. Thre 


being stopt by the ice after having evaded the fires of the Iroquois. 
God, however, delivered uS) and after having advanced all night 
and all the following day through frightful precipices and water- 
falls, we arrived finally in the evening at the great Lake Ontario, 
twenty leagues from the place of our departure. This first day 
wa><) the most dangerous, for had the Iroquois observed our dc- 
part ire they would have intercepted us, and had they been ten or 
twelve it would have been easy for them to have thrown us into 
disord^^r, the river being very narrow, and terminating after tra- 
velling ten leagues in a frightful precipice where we were obliged 
to land and carry our baggage and canoes during four hours, 
through unknown roads covered with a thick forest which could 
have served the enemy for a Fort, whence at each step he could 
have struck and fired on us without being perceived. God's 
protection visibly accompanied us during the remainder of the 
road, in which we walked through perils which made us shudder 
after we escaped them, having at night no other bed except 
the snow after having passed entire days in the water and amid 
the ice. 

Ten days after our departure we found Lake Ontario on which 
we floated, still frozen at its mouth. We were obliged to break 
the ice, axe in hand, to make an opening, to enter two days af- 
terwards a rapid where our little fleet had well nigh foun- 
dered. For having entered a Great Sault without knowing it, 
we found ourselves in the midst of breakers which, meeting a 
quantity of big rocks, threw up mountains of water and cast us 
on as many precipices as we gave strokes of paddles. Our bat- 
teaux which drew scarcely half a foot, were soon filled with wa- 
ter and all our people in such confusion, that their cries mingled 
with the roar of the torrent presented to us the spectacle of a 
dreadful wreck. It became imperative, however, to extricate 
ourselves, the violence of the current dragging us despite our- 
selves into the large rapiils and through past es in which we had 
never been. Terror redoubled at the sight of one of our canoes 
being engulfed in a breaker which barred the entire rapid and 
which, notwithstan»ling, was the course that all the others must 
keep. Three Frenchmen were drowned there, a fourth fortu- 

™7*- r 


'. - ■ ; ' V ■ ' ,■ 


■' ■ 'l' 

:. ■' 


• ;>. I 





nately edcapedy having held on to the eanoe and being saved at 
the foot of the Sault when at the point of letting go his hold, his 
strength being exhausted. • • • • The 3d of 
April we kmded at Montreal^ in the beginning of the night. 

•- '• • • •! • • ' 

You noticed above how our Fathers and our Frencihnien 

withdrew from their habitation built on the banks of Lake Ganan- 
taa, near Onnontagu6. That happened ait night, and without 
noise and with so nnieh address, that the. Iroquois, who cabined 
at the doors of our house, never perceived the removal of the ca- 
noes suid batteaux and bagage which were kun<ihed, nor the em- 
barcation of fifty three persons^ Sleep in which they were deep- 
ly enveloped, after considerable sniging and dancing, deprived 
them of all consciousness ; but at length night having given place 
to day, darkness to light, sleep to awaking, these Barbarians left 
their cabins, and roving round our well locked house, were as- 
tonished at the profound silence of the Frenchmen. They saw 
no one going out to work ; they heard no voice. They thought 
at first that they were all at prayer, or in council, but the day 
advancing and these prayers not getting to an end, they knocked 
at the door. The dogs, which our Frenchmen designedly left 
behind, answered by barking. The cock^s crow which they heard 
in the morning and the noise of the dogs, made them think that 
the masters of these animals were not far off ; they recovered the 
patience which they had lost. But at. length the sun began to 
decline and no person answering neither to the voice of men nor 
to the cries of animals, they scaled the house to gee the condition 
of out people in this terrible silence. Astonishment now gave 
place to fright and trouble. They open the door ; the chiefs 
enter every where ; ascend the garret ; descend to the cellar ; 
not a Frenchman makes his appearance dead or alive. They re- 
gard one another — terror seizes them ; they imagine they have to 
do with Devils. They saw no batteau, and even if they saw it 
they could not imagine that our Frenchmen would be so rash 
as to precipitate themselves into rapids and breakers, among 
rocks and horrible dangers in which themselves though very ex- 
pert in passing through Saults and Cascades, often lose their 



lives. They persuade themselves either that they walked on the 
waves, or fled through the air ; or as seemed most probable, that 
they concealed themselves in the woods. They seek for them ; 
notlung appears. They are quasi convinced that they rendered 
themselves invisible j and as they suddenly departed, so will they 
pounce at suddenly on thtir village. 

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OF THE FIRST F(»tT8 EB£€Tia) (»l THE I]U)(iFOI& MVEK. 

puutloD d« M qol i^MC ptMi en U NoaTell* FMato M aniiiM'iaM'lt' laV;]' 


At the same time that the Outaouakn embarked to return to 
th^ country) the wind becomia^ More fftvorftbIe,the soldiers who 
had been obliged to stop at Three Riyers likewise embarked; 
Imd after having nayigated Lake St. Peter arrived at the mouth 
of tite iiiV^f 1itdteli«tt, wMdi iWds to the Iroquois of the 

The plan entertained at tins first campaign was to erect on the 
rdttte sbmi^ fbtts, #iilch xrefe conridered absolutely necessary as 
well to securb the paittage and liberty of trade as to serve for 
sfbf^ for the trbops attd retreats for dck and wounded sol- 
dieM. Fbr this purpose three advantageous post^ were selected. 
The! first at the mouth of the Iroquois River ; the second seven- 
te^ Icjagues higher up, at the foot of a current of watier called tJie 
Skuli de Richdtm ; the third about three leagues above t^ 

The first fori, lianied Richelieu, was built by Mons. de Cham- 
blay, who commanded five companies which Monsieur die Ti|icy 
seAf there. The Second fort, named Sunt Louis, because it was 
cdmme&ted the week of the celebration of the festival of that 
great tobt, protector of our Kings and, of I^rance, was built by 
M. de Sorel, who commadded five other companies of the Regi- 
mtiit of Ihe'Carignan Salidres. . . . The [third] fort was fbr- 
tunately finished itt the month of October on St. Theresa's day,, 
whence it derived its name. From tbis third fort of St. Therese 
we can easily reach Lake Champlain without meeting any rapids 
to stop the batt^ux. 

This Lake, after a length of sixty leagues, finally tenbinatei iil 

f*f L 

SB J" 






k t 

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m -r 



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'W'' < '■ 




the country of the Mohawk Iroquois. It is still intended to build 
there) early next spring, a fourth fort, which will command those 
countries, and from which continual attacks can be made on the 
enemy, if they do not listen to reason. 

We shall .give at the end of the next chapter, the plan of these 
three forts, with the map of the Iroquois country' which has not 
been as yet seen, after having given some particulars of those 
people, who thwart us so long a time, because they have never 
been efficiently attacked. 


n\i imii '^ms tm^ :Vc{t ik 



It muRt be premised that the Iroquois are composed of five Na- 
tions, of which the nearest to the Dutch, is that of the Mohawk 
consisting of two or three villages containing about three to four 
hundred men capable of bearing arms. These have always been 
at war with us, though they sometimes pretended to sue for peace. 

Proceeding towards the West, at a distance of forty-five leagues, 
is found the second Nation, called Oneida, which has no more, at 
most, than one hundred and forty warriors, and has never wished 
to listen to any negotiations for peace ; on the contrary it has al- 
ways embarrassed affairs when they appeared about to be arranged. 

Fifteen leagues towards sunset is Onnontagu^, which has full 
three hundred men. We have been formerly received there as 
friends and treated as enemies, which obliged us to abandon that 
post, where we remained two years, as if in .the centre of all the 
Iroquois Nations, whence we proclaimed the gospel to aH those 
poor people, assisted by a garrison of Frenchmen sent by Mon- 
sieur de Lauzon, then Governor of New France, to takepossesnon 
of those countries in his Majesty's name. 

At twenty or thirty leagues from there still towards the West 

1 For tbe Map tbove refbrMd to, Me the YoL of Relatloni In the State Libraiy. 



is the village of Cayuga, of three hundred warriorS) where in the 
year 1657, we had a mission which formed a little church filled 
with piety in the midst of these Barbarians. 

"ftwards the termination of the Qreat Lake, called Ontario, b 
located the most numerous of the Five Iroquois Nations, named 
the Senecas, which contains full twelve hundred men in two or 
three villages of which it is composed. 

These last two nations have never openly made war on us, and 
have always remained neuter. 

All that extent of country is partly south, partly west of the 
French settlements, at a distance of from one hundred to one 
hundred and fifty leagues. It is for the most part fertile, covered 
with fine timber ; among the rest entire forests of chestnut and 
hickory {noyer,) intersected by numerous lakes and rivers abound- 
ing in fish. The air is temperate ; the seasons regular as in 
France, capable of bearing all the fruits of Touraine and Pro- 
vence. The snows are not deep nor of long duration. The 
three winters which we passed there among the Onnontagu^s, 
were mild, compared with the winters at Quebec where the 
ground is covered five months with snow, three, four and five 
feet deep. As we inhabit the Northern part of New France and 
the Iroquois the South, it is not surprising that their lands are 
more agreeable and more capable of cultivation and of bearing 
better fruit. 

There are two principal rivers leading to the Iroquois ; one to 
those which are near New Netherland and this is the Richelieu 
river of which we shall speak hereafter ; the second conducts to 
the other. Nations more distant from us, always ascending our 
great river St. Lawrence which divides, above Montreal, as if 
into two branches, whereof one goes to the antient country of the 
Hurons, the other to that of the Iroquois. 

This is one of the most important rivers that can be seen, 
whether we regard its beauty or its convenience ; for we meet 
there almost throughout, a vast number of beautiful Islands, some 
large, others small, but all covered with fine timber and full of 
deer, bears, wild cows which supply abundance of provisions 
neceraary for the travellers who find it every where, and some 


\ \ 





t^es entire herds of fallow deer. The banks of the main land 
are ordviarily shaded by huge oaks and other lofty timber cover- 
ing a good soil. 

Before arriving at the Great Lake QntsunO) two others ar^ra- 
versed, .one of which adjoins the Island of Montreal, the other is 
amidway. It is ten leagues long by six wide. It is terminated 
by a great many little islands very pleasing to the sight, and we 
have nam,ed it Lake St. Francis. 

But what renders this river inconvenient is the water falls and 
rapids which extend for the space of forty leagues, to wit from 
Montreal to the entrance of Lake Ontario, there being only the 
two lakes just mentioned of easy navigation. To surmount these 
torrents, we must often debark from the canoe and walk in the 
riv^r whose waters are sufficiently low iri these quarters, chiefly 
towards the banks. We take th^ canoe in hand dragging it after 
us, Ordinarily two men suffice, one forward at the bow, the 
other behind at the stern ; and as the canoe is very light, being 
made merely of the bark of trees, and as it is not loaded, it glides 
more smoothly over the water, not meeting great resistance. 
Some times the canoe is to be landed and carried some distance, 
one man in front, the other in the rear ; the first carrying one end 
of the canoe on the right shoulder, the second carrying the other 
end on the left. It becomes necessary to do this either on meet- 
ing cascades and entire rivers which fall some times perpendicu- 
larly from a prodigious height or when the current is too rapid ; 
or when the water thereabout being too deep, we cannot walk, 
dragging the canoe along by the hand ; or when the country is 
to be crossed from one river to the other. 

But when the mouth of the Great Lake is reached, the navi 
gation is easy, when the waters are tranquil, becoming insensibly 
wider at first ; then about two-thirds, next one half and finally 
put of sight (of land) ; especially after one has passed an infinity 
of little islands which are at the entrance of the Lake, in such 
great number and in such a variety that the most experienced 
Iroquois Pilots sometimes lose themselves there, and experience 
considerable difficulty in distinguishing the course to be steered, 
in the confusion and as it were in the labyrinth formed by the 

■d »S- .".hruti 




islaiidsy which otherwise have nothing agreeable beyond tbeir 
multitude. For these are only huge rocks rinng oat the wa- 
tef f covered iiqterely by looss, or a few spruce or ot)ker stunted 
wood whose roots spring from the clefts of the rooks which can 
supply np other aljmjent or moisture to these barren trees th^ 
what the rains furnish them. 

After leaving this melancholy abode, the Lake is discovered 
appearing lil^e unto a sea without islands or boundlb where barks 
»nd shipp can siail in all safety ; so that the commumcation would 
be easy betiiveen all the French colonies that could be established 
on th6 borders of this Great l^^^ wludi is more tban a j^uf^rnd 
leagues long by thirty to forty wide. 

) It is from this point that all the Iroquois Nations can be reach- 
ed, by various directions, except the Mohawks, the route to 
whom is by the River Richelieu, of which we can safely say two 
wor4s i^inc^ t;hey regard it, that our troops have already con- 
structed thie three forts of which we have spoken. 

It is called the Richelieu River because of the fort of the same 
name which was ere<?ted there at its mouth stt the commencement 
of the wars ; and which has been rebuilt anew to secure the en- 
trance pf that river. It likewise bears the name of the River of 
the Iroquois, because it is the route which leads tluther, and it is 
by it ^ese Barbarians used most ordinarily come to attack us. 
The bed of ti^s river is one hundred to one hundred and fifty pa- 
ces wide aliji^Qst throughout, though at its mouth it is somewhat 
narrower : its borders are decorated with beautiful pines through 
which we can walk with ease ; as in fact fifty of our men have 
donjB a foot by land yearly twenty leagues of the way from the 
mouth pf the river to the Saultf which is so called, though it is 
not properly a waterfall but only an impetuous rapid full of rocks, 
that arrest its course and render the navigation almost impos- 
sibk for three quarters pf a league. In time however its passage 
may be fac^il^ted. The remainder of the river has from the be- 
ginning a very fine bottom ; as many as eight islands are to be 
met with before arriving at the basin, which is at the foot of the 
Sault. This basin is like a little lake, a league and a half in cir- 

r HI 







cumference and six to eight feet deep, where fish abounds ahnost 
at all seasons. 

To the right of this basin in going up, is seen Fort Saint Louis, 
built quite recently here, which is very convenient for the design 
entertained against the Iroquois, since its position renders it al- 
most impregnable and causes it to command the whole riyer. 

After passing the rapids of the Sault which extend three 
leagues, the third fort is visible that terminates all these rapids : 
for the river afterwards is very beautiful and quite navigable to 
the Lake called Champlain, at the extremities of which we enter 
on the lands of the Mohawk Iroquois. 


[Relation, he., di annuel, 166B, 1686.] 

The great varieties of Nations which are in these countries, 
the changeable and perfidious disposition of the Iroquois and the 
barbarism of all these tribes not permitting us to hope for any 
stable peace with them except inasmuch as it can be maintained 
by the terror of the king's arms, it is not to be wondered at that 
peace succeeds war so easily, and that wars terminate so quickly 
in peace. 

The ambassadors of five different Nations were seen in one year 
at Quebec, who came there to solicit peace ; yet these did not pre- 
vent us punishing by a good war those who answer^ badly by 
their conduct the promises of their deputies. 

The first of these Ambassadors who came from thie Upper Iro- 
quois, were presented to M. de Tracy in the month of December 
of the year 1665, and the most influential among them was a fa- 
mous Captain, called Oaraconti^, who always signalized his zeal 
for the French, and employed the credit which he has among all 
these tribes, in extricating our prisoners from their hands, as he 

i*.'.r ■■ 


Ao^ivav 't^;]t,^o^^l^vf^^, 


- f 

has liberated very recently Sieur Le Moine) v^ in^l^^taQt, 9f 
Montreal) who had been captured three mont^ ago l^y tj^^eaA, 

M. de Tracy haviiig notified him by the usual presents that hfi 
would give him a friendly audience, he pronounced a b&rangi^e 
full of good sense and an elo(|^ence evincing 90 trape of the bar-: 
bayous. It contained nothing b^t courtesies ^d o^ersi of friend- 
ship and service oq the part of all his tribe ; wishes for a new 
Jesuit Mission, and expressions of condolenpe on the death of 
the late Father Le Moine, the intelligence of which h|3 had just 

• 4| •. • •. • • . 'If • • 

However as no advantage can be expected from thesp Natioi\i| 
except in so far as we appear able to injure them, nreparations 
were made for a military expedition against those with whom Q9 
peace could be concluded. Monsieur de Cou^rcell^s, who com- 
manded, used every possible diligence, so that he w^s ready to 
start on the 9th January of the year 166Q, accompanied by M. 
du Gas, whom he took for lus Lieutenant ; by M* de Salamper, 
Gentleman Volunteer ; by Father Pierre Raffeix, Jesuit ; by 300 
men of the Regiment of Carignan Sali^res and 200 Volunteers, 
habitans of the French Colonies. This march could not but be 
tedious, every one having snow shoes on his feet, to the use of 
which none were accustomed, and all, not excepting the oncers 
nor even M. de Courcelles himself, being loaded, each \^ith from 
25 to 30 pounds of biscuit, clothing and other necessary supplies. 

A more difficult or longer march than that of this little army, 
can scarcely be met with in any history, and it required a French 
courage and the perseverance of M. de Courcelles, to undert^^ 
it. In addition to the embarrassment caused by the snow shoes, 
which is a species of great inconvenience and that of the burthen 
which each one was obliged to carry, it was necessary to walk 
three hundred leagues on the snow ; cross lakes and rivers con- 
tinually on the ice in danger of making as many falls as steps ; 
sleep only on the snow in the midst of the forest and endure a 
cold surpassing by many degrees in severity that of the most rigor- 
ous European winters. 

6 . -- ^■ 

w 1/ 

I ! 




K "i- 

Our troops, however, having gone the first day to Slllery t» 
recommend the success of their enterprise to St. Michael the 
Archangel the patron of that place ; many had, as early as the 
third day, the nose, the ears, the knees and the fingers or other 
parts entirely frozen and the remainder of the body covered with 
cicatrixes, and some others wholly overcome and benumbed by 
the cold would have perished in the snow, had they not been 
carried, though vrith considerable difficulty, to the place where 
they were to pass the night. 

Sieurs De la Fouille, Maximin and Lobiac, Captains in the 
the Carignan regiment, having joined this little army on the 34th 
January, each v/ith 20 soldiers of their companies and some ha- 
bitans o£ the place were treated by the cold, on the day follow- 
ing, worse than any had previously been, and many soldiers were 
obliged to be brought back, of whom some had the legs cut by 
the ice and others the hands or the arms or other parts of the 
body altogether frozen. These losses were repaired by Sieurs 
de Chambly, Petit and Rogemont, Captains of the same regi- 
ment, and by the Sieurs Mignardi, Lieutenant of the Colonel's 
company which was withdrawn from Forts St. Louis and St. 
Therese, where the troops rendezvoused on the 30th of the same 
month. So that the army being still 500 men strong finally ar- 
rived on the 14th of February, with the same difficulties and the 
same dangers, as before, in the enemy's country, at 20 leagues 
distance from their villages. The journey yet^ to be travelled, 
was very long in consequence of the prodigious depth of the 
snow and the delay of the Algonquin guides, in whose absence 
unknown routes were to be tried and continual mistakes expe- 

Finally information was received from prisoners who w^ere ta- 
ken in some detached cabins, and from the Commandant of a 
hamlet inhabited by the Dutch of New Netherland, that the 
greater part of the Mohawks and Oneidas having gone to a dis- 
tance to make war against other tribes called the Wampum Ma- 
kers, {lesfaiseurs de porcelaine) had left in their villages only 
the children and tie helpless old men ; and it was considered 
useless to push farther forward an expedition which had all the 


1 ■-% 




effect intended by the terror it spread among all the tribes, who 
were haughty and perfidious only because they considered them- 
selves inaccessible to our troops. Before returning however we 
killed several savages who from time to time made their appear- 
ance along the skirts of the forest for the purpose of skirmishing 
with our people. Sieur Aiguemorte and some of our soldiers 
were also killed pursuing them. 

The effects of the terror produced by his Majesty^s arms on the 
hearts of these savages were apparent at Quebec in the month 
of May following, by the arrival of ambassadors from the Sene- 
cas, {Sonnontouaeronnons) who demanded the King's protection 
for their nation and the continuation of peace, which they pre- 
tended they never violated by any hostile act. M. de Tracy had 
already refused 34 presents that they had tendered him, but per- 
ceiving that it affected them sensibly and that they considered it 
the greatest insult that could be offered, he finally accepted 
their wampum belts, repeating to them that it was neither their 
presents nor their goods that the King desired, but their true 
happiness and salvation ; that they would derive all sorts of ad- 
vantages from their confidence in his goodness which should 
be extended to the other Nations also, that they might experience 
its most favorable effects, if they took the same care in imploring 
it by sending their ambassadors forthwith. 

These were soon succeeded by those of other tribes ; among 
the rest by those from the Oneida and even by those from the 
Mohawk, so that the deputies from the Five Iroquois Nations 
were almost at the same time at Quebec as if to confirm by one 
common accord a durable peace with France. 

In order the better to accomplish this it was deemed pro- 
per to send some Frenchmen with the Oneida Ambassadors, 
who were also responsible for the conduct of the Mohawks, 
and even gave hostages for them. The Dutch of New Ne- 
therland had likewise written in their behalf and went se- 
curity for the faithful observance by all those Barbarians of 
the articles of peace entered into with them. These French dele- 
gates had orders to inform themselves of every thing carefully 
on the spot, and to learn if it were safe to confide again on the 

i • 




SMi9gtttf 80 that His Majeity'i armi should not be retarded' by an' 
ilhttite hope of peace. 

But scarcely were the Andbassadors two or or three days jour^- 
ney from Quebec, when news came of the surprisal by the Mlo^ 
hawks of some Frenchmen belonging to Fort St. Anne who had^ 
gone to the chase, and of the murder of Sieur de Trarersy, Ciap- 
tain in the Carignan Regiment and Sieur de Chusy, and that som« 
volunteers had been taken prisoners. The French delegates were 
at once recalled, and the Oneida savages who remained as hosta- 
ges whose heads could have been at once split by axes accord- 
ing' to the laws of war in this country, were imprisoned. But 
without having recourse to these barbarous laws, means Were 
idopted to derive greater advantage from this treachery ; and M. 
d« Sorel, Captain in the Carignan Regiment, immediately collected 
al party of three hundred men, whom he led by forced marched 
into the enemy's country, resolved to put all, every where, to the 
sword. But when only 20 leagues distant from their village^ he 
encountered new Ambassadors bringing back the Frenchtn^n 
taken near Fort St. Anne, and who were coming to offer every 
satisfaction for the murder of those who were slain and new 
guarantees for peace, so that this Captain having returned With 
hit troops, there was no more talk but of peace, which they pre- 
tended to conclude by a general council of all the Tribes who 
had at the time delegates at Quebec. 

These treaties had not, however, all the success which Was e^ 
pected from them, and M. de Tracy concluded that, to ensure 
their success, it was necessary to render the Mohawks by force of 
arms more tractable, for they always opposed new obstacles to 
the publick tranquillity. He wished, despite his advanced age, 
to lead in person against these Barbarians, an army composed Of 
600 soldiers drafted from all the companies, of six JiuAdred 
habUans of the country and one hundred Huron and Algonquin 
savages, Through the exertions of M. Talon, all the prepara- 
tions for this war were completed by the 14*i> Sepf, the day 
fixed on for departure, being that of the exaltation and triumph 
of the Cross, for whose glory this expedition was determined on. 
The general rendezvoue Waa fixed for the SS*"* of Sept., at Fort 

.A^ilMvr ^s^MPl^frxf. 


,'8t. Anne recently oonstructed by Sieur'La Mothe, Captain in, the 
Carignan Regiment) on an Island in Lake Cbamplain. Some, of 
the troops not being able to come up in sufficient time, M. ide 
Tracy would not proceed before tbe 3' of October, with ithe 
main body of the army. But <M. de Couroelles impelled by, his 
characteristic impatience for the fight, started some days ahead 
with 400 men, and Sieurs De Chambly and Berthier, com- 
mandants of the Forts St. Louis and Assumption were left i to 
.follow M. de Tracy, four days afterwards, with the rear guard. 
As it was necessary to march one himdred and twenty leagues 
into the interior to find the enemy's .villages, and as several large 
lakes and many considerable rivers were to be crossed before 
arriving there, it was necessary to be provided with conveniences 
for land and water. Vessels requisite for this expedition* bad 
been prepared. Three hundred were ready; consisting partly lof 
very light batteaux, and partly of bark canoes, each of which 
carried at most five or six hundred persons. On crossing a, river 
or lake, each was obliged to take charge of his own. canoe aiKlrto 
carry the batteaux by main strength. This caused less labor than 
two small pieces of artillery which were conveyed even :to the 
farthest Iroquois villages, to force more easily all the fortifi- 

Notwithstanding the care taken to accomplish this march with 
little noise, we could not prevent some Iroquois, despattfbed 
from 30 to 40 leagues to discover our troops, . seeing from ithe 
mountain tops this little naval expedition, and running to warn 
the first village of it; so that the alarm. spreading afterwards 
from village to village, our troops found them . abandoned, 4|id 
these barbarians were only seen on .the mountains .at a ^Umee 
uttering great cries and firing some random shotis at our. soldiers. 

Our army halting only for refreshment at all these village, 
which were found void of men ibut full of grain .and provisiops, 
expected to meet with a vigorous resistance at < the last whi^ch 
we prepared to attack in regular form, because the barba* 
rians evinced, by the great firing they made there, and the 
..fortifications they had erected, every -disposition for a despe- 
.rate defence. But our people were again disappointed int, their 




I' ' 

^:!' •<■; 




hope ; for scarcely had the enemy seen the vanguard approach, 
when they immediately fled to the woods where night prevented 
our troops pursuing them. A triple palisade, surrounding their 
stronghold, twenty feet in height and flanked hy four bastions, 
their prodigious quantities of provisions and the abundant supply 
of water they had provided in bark tanks to extinguish fire when 
necessary, afforded sufficient evidence that their first resolution 
had been quite different from that which the terror of our arms 
had caused them so suddenly to adopt. A few persons whom 
their advanced age had prevented withdrawing from the vil- 
lage two days previously with all the women and children^, 
and the remains of two or three savages of another tribe whom 
they had half roasted at a slow fire with their accustomed fury, 
were all that were found. After having planted the Cross and 
celebrated Mass and sung the Te Deum on the spot, all that re- 
mained was to fire the palisades and cabins and to destroy all the 
stores of Indian corn, beans and other produce of the country 
found there. The other villages were again visited where as 
well as throughout the whole country, the same devastation was 
committed ; so that those who are acquainted with the mode of 
living of these barbarians doubt not but famine wMl cause as 
many to perish as would have been destroyed by the arms of our 
soldiery bad they dared to await them, and that those who 
survive will De reduced by terror to peaceful conditions and to a 
demeanor more difficult to be obtained from them by mere san- 
guinary victories. 

The return route of our troops was more disagreeable than that 
taken in going, because the rivers being swollen some seven 
or eight feet by the rains, were found much more difScult 
to cross, and a storm which arose on Lake Champlain wreck- 
ed two canoes with eight persons, amongst whom was to be 
particularly regretted Sieur du Lugues, Lieutenant of a compa- 
ny, who made frequent displays of his valour in France as well 
as in Canada. 

The courage of our troops was ever wonderfully excited in the 
hardships of this expedition and in the face of danger, by the ex- 
amples of M. de TracY, M. de Courcelles and M. de Salli^re, 

Quarter IV 

lier de Ch 

lages to 

animated 1 

Bois and ( 

faix, Jesui 

Our exc 

and had ci 

troops, ca 

on their re 

in consequ 

of the ma 

Majesty he 

not but we 

of these e: 

these vast 

A R] 


Upon th 
of Canada 
to seeke ou 
in their ow; 
for the seu 
for many y 
Indians of t 
ferable disc 
alive were i 
If not taker 
houses burn 
crfull argui 

• i I 



Quarter Master {Mestre de Camp) of l!he regiment and of Cheva- 
lier de Chaumont who desired always on approaching the vil- 
lages to be of the forlorn hope; and their generosity was 
animated by the zeal and pious sentiments with which Messrs. du 
Bois and Cosson, secular Priests, and Fathers Albanel and Ra- 
faix, Jesuits, endeavored to inspire them. 

Our excellent Prelate who had his hands ever raised to Heaven 
and had called every one to prayers, during the absence of our 
troops, caused thanks to be given to God and the Te Deum sung 
on their return. Every body here has conceived renewed hopes 
in consequence of the King's goodness towards the country and 
of the manner in which the West India Company, to whom his 
Majesty has confided it, is affected towards it. So that we doubt 
not but we shall very soon see most populous towns in the place 
. of these extensive forests, and Jesus Christ worshipped in all 
these vast countries. 




[Lond. D09. II.] 

Upon the 29t'» of Xber last, Monsier Coarsell the Govemour 
of Canada,in Nova ffrancia begun his march with near 600 men, 
to seeke out their inveterate ennemyes called the Mahauke Indians 
in their owne country and forts, there to take reuenge upon them 
for the seuerall murthers and spoyles which the Barbarians had 
for many yeares exercised in Cannada upon the French, and the 
Indians of those parts even to the mine of most, but to the insuf- 
ferable discouragement of all those Inhabbitants, who being taken 
alive were usually tortured and eaten, or burnt by the Mauhaukes j 
If not taken, yet liv<' in perpetuall alarums to see their dwelling 
houses burnt, their Cattell and Come destroyed. All which pow- 
erfull arguments furnish't y» french with heate enough to march 

W V' 



, i 

1 ai 




tiVer tHe frozen I&ke 6f C'ahada, lying in ike iSOth degree of tabir- 
tkeme latitude, ftnd taking their tyme that the snow upon the 
^ound ^as hard frozen (though in most places 4 foote deep) made 
Use of Indian snow ^hoesw*"" hath the very form of a Rackett 
tyed to 6ach footcVwheireby y« body ftnd feet are kept from sink- 
ing into the snow, and because it was not possible for horseis to 
|»tes, or subsist in the snow, or for the Soldiers to carry their ne- 
ilessary provisibns on their backes, and had ledse expettation to 
itteetew*'' any reliefe in the taste wilderness, theGoverno' caused 
'Idight sledges to be made in good Aumber, laying provisions updn 
them, drew them over the snow with mastive doggs, all thejse dif- 
ficultyesput together impeded his march, and by the mistake bf 
his guides hapned to fall shbrt of the castles of the Mauhailkes, 
'liind to take up his quarters or rather incamp upon the O^** of Fe- 
bruary within 2 mylcis of a sihall village called Schonectade, ly- 
ing w*'' in the woods beyond fort Albany in y« tei'ritoryes of his 
Royall highness, and 3 dayss march from the first castle of the 

The French suposed they were then come to their designed 
place, and the rather because/y* evening they did rancounter w*"* 
a party of the Mohaukes who made appearance of retreating from 
the French, whereupon a party of 60 of their best Fuzileers after 
them, but that small party drew the French into an ambuscade of 
neare 200 Mohaukes planted behind trees, (who ta]|^ing their ad- 
vsmtageasit fell into their hands,) at one volley slew eleauen 
French men whereof 6ne was a Lieuten*. wounded divers others, 
tiie french party made an hono'able retreit to their body, vr*>^ was 
inarching after them close at hand, w°i> gave the Mohaukes tyme 
'Uld opportunity to march off w^ii the loss of only 3 slaine upon 
the plaice and 6 ^bunded, the report whereof was soone brought 
to Schonecktade by those Indians, with the heads of 4 of the 
Kirench to the Commissary of the Village who immediately dis- 
patched the newes to Fort Albany, from whence the next day 3 
of the principle inhabitants "Were sent to Monsier Coursell the 
^bverno' of Oannada to inc[tiire of his intention to bring suoh a 
body ofarmed men into the dominions of his Ma*'» of Great Brit- 
tKtoe,'w*^out accquaihting the Governo' of these parts W*'*MBde- 



sigil^s. The Govdrno' reply^ that he come to seeke out and 
destroy his ennemyes the Mohaukes without intention of visiting 
their plantations, or else to molest any of his Ma^>»" subjects, and 
that [he] had not heard of the reducing those parts to his Ma^>*' 
obedience, but desired that hee and his soldiers might bee supplied 
^ith provisions for their money, and that his wounded men might 
be sucoured, and taken care for in Albany ; To all which the 
Bmissaryes freely consented and made a small but acceptable pre- 
isent of wine and provisions to him, further offering the best ac- 
commodations y« poore village afforded, w'''' was civilly refused, 
in regard there was not accomodac6n for his soldyers, with whom 
he had marcht and campt under the blew^ canopy e of the heaveas 
full six weekes, but hee prudently foresaw a greater inconvenience 
if hee had brought his weary and halfe starv'd people within the 
smell of a ctiimaey corner, whom hee now cold keepe from istrag- 
ling or running away, not knowing whither to runn for feare of 
y° Indians ; The next day Monsieur Corsell sent hk men to the 
village where they were carefully drest and sent to Albany, being 
seaven in number, the Dutch bores carryed to the camp such pro- 
visions as they had, and were too well payd for it j Especially 
■peaz and bread, of w*''' a good quantity was bought j y^ Mohaukes 
fwere all gone to their Castks, with resolution to fight it Out 
ai^ainst the french, who being refresht and supply ed w='» the 
aforesaid provisions made a shew of marching towards the Mo- 
haukes Castles, but with faces about and great sylence and dilli- 
gence return'd towards Cantiada. 

Upon the 12*^ of February, whether a Panick ftare, some mu- 
tiny, or y8 probability of the thawing of the lake, caus'd this 
sudden {vr'^^ the Indians call a dishono'^able retreit) I camiot 
learne, but surely so bould and hardy an attempt (eircumstanoes 
considered) hath not hapned in any age. All w'^'^ vanisht like 
false fyer, and hath given new courage to their old enemyes y** 
Mauhaukes\who by their spyes hearing of y® retreat of y« French 
pursued them back to ihe Lake, but the French making more 
spee«l to th»m from Canada, the Mohaukes did noe considersible 
prejudice to them, on«;ly took 3 one of W^'^ at his own request 
they slew, not being able to march, the other they kept prisoners, 







they found 5 others dead in the way with hunger and cold, but 
according to their manner brought the crownes of their heads 
away, those who observed the words and countenance of Mon- 
sieur Coursell, saw him disturbed in minde that the king was 
Master of these parts of the Country, where hee expected to have 
found the Dutch interest upermost, saying that the king of Eng- 
land did graspe at all America, but hee did not beleive to see the 
Dutch the masters ere long; he enquired what garrison or what 
fort was at Albany, 'twas told him a Captain and 60 English sol- 
dyers with 9 pcece of ordinance in a small fort of foure Bastions, 
and that the Cap^ thereof Cap* Baker had sent for 20 men from 
annother garrison of the Kings at the Sopes, who probably might 
be arrived at Albany the same hower, thus finding his men tyr'd, 
the Mohaukes resolute, and something doubtfull, without tryall 
of the good will of the English Garrison, because y^ reports were 
strong that the French King and States of Holland were united 
against His Ma*'« of England, Monsieur Coursell found it reason- 
able to returne home nothing effected, the 2 prisoners taken by 
the Mohaukes in the retreate tell them y* this summer another 
attempt will be made upon their country with a greater force and 
supplyes of men, the truth or success of which I shall not now 
discourse upon, having given y« trew relation of what past from 
ye 29th December to the 12t'» of February. 

[From Paris Doc. I.] 

On the seventh of the month of July of the year 1666, the 
Iroquois of the Oneida Nation, having learned from the Mohawks, 
their neighbours and allies and by the Dutch of Fort OranG;e that 
the troops of Louis the fourteenth by the grace of God Most 
Christian King of France and Navarre, had in the month of 
February of the said year carried his Majesty's arras, over the 
snow and ice near unto Fort Orange in New Netherland, under 
the command of Messire Daniel de Courcelle, Lieutenant General 
of his armies, pursuant to orders which they received from Mes- 
sire Alexandre de Prouville knight. Lord de Tracy, member of 




his Majesty's councils and Lieut. Oenl. of his armies, both in the 
Inlands and mainlaind of South and North America, as well by 
sea as by land, to fight and destroy the Mohawks, which probably 
they would have accomplished, had not the mistake of their 
guides caused them to take one road for the other, came down to 
Quebec to solicit peace as well in their own name as in that of 
the Mohawks by ten of their Ambassadors, by name Soenres, 
Tsoenserouanne, Gannoukouenioton, Asaregouenioton, Asare- 
gouaune, Tsendiagou, Achinnhara, Togoukouaras, Oskaraquets, 
Akouehen, And after having communicated by the mouth of their 
Orator and Chief Soenres, the object of their Embassy by ten 
talks expressed by as many presents, and having handed to us the 
letters from the officers of New Netherland, have unanimously 
requested, acknowledging the force of his Majesty's arms and 
their weakness and the condition of the forts advanced towards 
them, and moreover aware that the three upper Iroquois Nations 
have always experienced great benefit from the protection which 
they formerly received from the said Lord the King, that his 
Majesty would be pleased to extend to hem the same favour by 
granting them the same protection, and receiving them among 
the number of his true subjects, demanding that the Treaties for- 
merly made as well by the said Nations as by theirs, have the 
same force and validity for that of the Mohawks, who have re- 
quired of us to solicit this with great importunity, as they should 
have themselves done by means of their Ambassadors had they 
not been apprehensive of bad treatment at our hands, ratifying 
on their part all the said reaties in all their points and articles, 
which have been read to them in the Iroquois tongue by Joseph 
Marie Chaumont, priest, member of the Society of Jesus ; adding, 
moreover, to all the said articles what the protest effecting in good 
faith what they offered by their said presents, especially to restore 
all the Frenchmen, Algonquins and Hurons whom they hold 
prisoners among them of what condition and quality they may 
be, and as long as any are detained there, even on the part 
of the Mohawks, to send families from among them to serve, 
like those of other nations as the most strict hostages for their 
persons and dispositions to the orders of those who shall in this 

I- : 



mMsxaa ispEDtTioMi 


1% ■;■ 



Country liave authority from the said Lord the King whom they 
acknowledge from this time as their Sovereign; demanding reci- 
procally among all other things the restoration to them in good 
faith, of all those of their Nation who are prisoners at Quebec^ 
Montreal and Three Rivers, that French families and some Black 
gowns, that is Jesuits be sent them, to preach the gospel to them 
and to make known to them the God of the French whom they 
promise to love and adore ; also that trade and commerce be open 
to them with New France, by the Lake du Saint Sacrementf 
(L. George) with the assurance on their part that they will pro- 
vide in their country, a sure retreat as well to the said families 
as to the trading merchants, not only by preparing cabins to lodge 
them in, but also by assisting to erect forts to shelter them from 
their common enemies the Andastaeronnons and others. And 
that the present Treaty, made on their part in ratification of the 
preceding, may be stable and known unto all, they have signed 
it with the separate and distinctive marks of their Tribes, after 
which what they solicited from the said Lord the King was grant- 
ed to them in his name by Messire Alexandre de Prouville, Knight, 
Lord de Tracy member of the King's Councils, &c. (as above) 
in the presence and assisted by M. Daniel de Remy Siegneur de 
Courcelles, King's Councillor, &c., &c., and of M. Jean Talon 
also Councillor, &c. who have signed with the said Lord de Tra- 
cy; and as Witnesses, Francois le Mercier, Priest, Member and 
Superior of the Society of Jesus at Quebec and Joseph Marie 
Chaumont likewise Priest and Member of the said Society, Inter- 
preters of the Iroquois and Huron languages. Done at Quebec 
the 12 July, 1666. 

M;,^ 1> ,,u.-=.^. j-^=;.:^.:.l.:i. 






In the year 1666, the \1^^ day of Ootoib., the King^s troops 
commanded by Messire Alexander de Prouville Knight, Lord de 
Tracy Lieut. General of His Ma^'«« Naval armies both in the 
Islands and Continent of South and North America as well by 
sea as by land, aided by Messire Daniel de Remy Knight, Seig- 
neur de Courcelles, Governor and Lieut. General for the King in 
New FraAce, beiiig draWtt up in battle array* Befbre the Fort of 
Andaraque, Jean Baptiste du Bois Esq" Sieur de Cocreaumont 
and de St. Morice, Commandant of the Artillery of the army, 
presented himself at the head of the army by order of Mods, hotii 
de Tiacy and deputed by M,, Jean Talon, King^s Councillor in 
his State and Privy Councils, Intendant General of Justice, Po< 
lice' and Finance in New France,, for the review aad direction of 
the Supplies of the Troops, who declared and said that at the r«^ 
quest of Mons'' Talon he took possession of said Fort and of all 
the lands in the neighbourhood as far and in as great a quantity as 
they may extend, and of the other four forts which have been 
conquered from the Iroquois in the name of the King, and in ta*- 
ken thereof hath planted a Cross before the doors of said forta 
and near this hath erected a post and to these hath affixed the 
King's arms, of which and of all the above the said Sieur de Bois 
has required acte of the undersigned Royal Notaiy commanded 
in the said army for His Majesty's s<»rvice. Done at the afore- 
said Fort of Andaraque the day and year above written^ in pre'- 
sence of Messire Alexander de Chaumont, Knight Seigneur of 
said place, Aid de Camp of his Majesty's armies, and of Hector 
d'Andigny, Knight of Grande Fontaine, Captiun of a Company of 
Infantry in the Carignan Regiment, of the Nobleman Antoine de 
Contrecour Cap° of a Company of Infantry in said Regiment, of 
Francois Mass4, Sieur de Wally, Jean du Gal Esq" Sieur du 

'• :J 






Fresne Major of Canada, Jean Louis Chevalier du Glas Lieut of a 
Company of said Regim*, Rene Louis Chartier Esq', Sieur de 
Lobiniere Lieutenant of a Militia Company from Quebec, Domi- 
nique le Feure Esq', Sieur de Quesquelin Lieutenant in said Re- 
giment, Witnesses undersigned with the said Seigneur du Bois 
and the Notary. Signed, Chaumont, le Chevalier de Grand 
Fontain, de Contrecour, du Gal, Wally, Chev"" du Glas, du 
Guesclin, Rene Louis Chartier, Lobiniere, du Bois and du Guet 
Royal Notary. 


/ [Lond. Doe. II.] 


I was in some measure surprized in february last with 
the newes of so considerable a force of forreiners under the co- 
mind of Monsieur de Courcelle so farre advanct in these His 
Ma*'«" Dominions without my Knowledge and Consent, or the 
least notice given of y^^ intentions to any of His Ma^'^^ Colonies 
then in amity with the French Nation : although y' proceedings 
heerin were not conformable to the practise in Europe, yet all 
my officers both Military and Civill soone resolu'd to succour and 
releive your Campe with such meane provisions as the Country 
affords [and] from a small village could bee expected and as they 
have in all former times .been very affectionate with Christian 
Charity to ransome or by any other meanes to convey divers 
French prisoners out of the hands of their barbarous Enemies so 
also their Intentions towards you is manifest in their letter of the 
SO*** March last wherein their purpose was to give you a speedy 
notice that the Maquaes were at last wrought upon to treat of 
peace if you on your parts were so disposed, but it seems (by a 
sad accident intervening,) you are pleas'd to lay a greater burden 
upon them than they deserve after their sincere affections to your 
peace. To both y' Letters directed to the Captain and Commis- 




saries at Albany themselves yriW returne answer but hearing that 
you had Emploied Le S'. Couture with y' Letters I tooke a sud- 
daine. Resolution to have discourse with him to w*^'> purpose I 
came hither but find that he is return'd without the Knowledge 
of the Capt. or Commissarie. I could have wisht that hee had 
staid for mee, or that I could wait his coming for I now want the 
opportunity of enlarging myself to him and by him to y'selfe 
with how much Integrity I shall constantly attend the European 
Interest amidst the heathen in America as becomes a good Chris- 
tian, provided that the bounds and limits of these His Majesties 
of Englands dominions be not invaded or the Peace and Safety 
of his subjects interrupted, In all other points I shall be found to 
entertaine y' Correspondence with Mutuall Civility and respect 
the rather because the Reputation of y' honour hath spread it- 
self in all these parts of the world, as well as it is known in Eu- 
rope, whereof I can beare some Testimony, when I had the honour 
to attend my master his R. H. the Duke of York and Albany a 
few yeares in the french army, and now that I serve the same 
Master in his interest in this part of the World, I should count 
my selfe very fortunate in an opportunity at least to acknowledge 
some part of y' great civilities to my Master and all his Servants 
in their low estate and condition of Exile, The Memory whereof 
obligeth me (a reasonable time and good occasion concurring) to 
give you certain proofe with how much truth I am. Sir, 

Yo' Most afi^e. Servant 

Richard Nioolls. 

20th Aug: St '.Vet: ) 
In fort Albany 1666. ) 

A Monsieur, Monsieur Le Chevalier et Seigneur de Tracy Lt. General! D« 
Roy tres Chrestien dans toute L'Amerique. A Quebec. 

^' \ 

■n - .t 


mm M\ 

M. TALON TO M. COLBERT, 13 Nov. 1666. 

[PariiDoe. I.] 

Monsieur de Tracy and Monsieur de Courcelles are returned 
frooa their Expedition, the Iroq^^ois haAring concluded to retreat 
and abandon their settlements. The i eiid M. de Tracy could do 
nothing else than burn their forts an 1 lay waste every thing. 
These two gentlemen will infojrm you of whatever occurred 
throughout their march which occupied fifty-three days. What 
I learn from public opinion is that in what has been perform- 
ed nothing has been left undone, and that the King's orders 
had been executed and his expectations entirely realized had 
those savages stood their ground. It would, in truth, have been 
desirable that a part had been defeated and some others taken 

The advanced age of M. de Tracy must greatly enhance the 
merit of the service he has rendered the King, by assuming in a 
broken down frame such as his, a fatigue of which no correct 
idea can be formed. I am assured that throughout the whole 
march of three hundred leagues, including the return, he suffered 
himself to be carried only during two days, and then he was 
forced to do so by the gout. M. de Courcelles, though stronger 
than he, could not help being carried in like manner, having been 
i^ttacked by a contraction of the nerves. Both in truth have 
endured all the fatigue that human nature is capable of. 
, M. de Tracy incurred some expences on his march for the con- 
veyance of the cannon and other extraordinary services rendered 
the Troops, which I wished to reimburse, but his modesty would 
not suffer it. 


In ansi 
you that Mt 
signifying tc 
the Maquas, 
my consent 1 
so many offic 
Ma'iot Comp 
advanced witi 
Annies. But 
wrong way, h 
village which 
there was any 
yans that were 
place. This ti 
Courcelle, tha 
was then betw< 
Jand. The Mo 
the persons unc 
tremity, for wa 
consideracdns \ 
wee had no inte 
l^ominion than 
ces) and underst 
the Dutch, hee 
falling into the y 
were there savet 
Hee also had i 
diers from Killin 
were in the said 
to vindicate the 1 

I J 



>^ : .' n ^^i' 


,^-i 7^ M 



, [London Doe. I.] .» k; .-r. 


In answer to yo' letter of 31. August, [N. S.] I shall tell 
you that Mons' de Courcelle Ooverno' Generall of this Cbuntreyi 
signifying to mee that hee had a desire to make some inroad upon 
the Maquas, to put a stopp to their barbarous Insolencies ; I gave 
my consent to further the design, that hee might take with him 
so many officers and souldiers as hee thought fit, either of his 
Ma^>"* Companyes, or those of y* Countrey. Whereupon hee 
advanced within fifteene or twenty leagues of the villages of y* 
Annies. But fortunately for them his guides conducting him a 
wrong way, hee did not meete with them, till he came neare the 
village which you name in yo' Letter, neither had he known 
there was any of them there, untill he had surprized all the Ind- 
yans that were in two small Hutts at some distance from that 
place. This truth is sufficiently convincing, to justify Mons' de 
Courcelle, that hee had no intention to infringe the Peace, that 
was then between us, for that hee thought himself in the Maques 
land. The Moderac6n which hee used in the said hutts (although 
the persons under his command were driven to the uttermost ex- 
tremity, for want of Provisions) hath sufficiently manifested the 
considerac6n8 wee have always had for our allyes (for until then 
wee had no intelligence, that New Holland was under any other 
Dominion than that of the States of the United Belgick Provin- 
ces) and understanding that hee was upon the Lands belonging to 
the Dutch, hee tooke great care to hinder his companyes from 
falling into the village, by which means alone the Maquaes that 
were there saved themselves. 

Hee also had so much care and authority as to hinder the soul- 
diers from Killing the Poultry, and taking away Provisions that 
were in the said hutts, to satisfy their hunger. Thus farr, I ought 
to vindicate the truth upon this subject. 

r \ 

. \' ;. 

I' I ^ 




ill I 

The ffrench nation is too much inclined to acknowledge cour- 
tesies, not to confess that the Dutch have had very much charity 
for the ffrench, who have been Prisoners with the Maquaes, and 
that they have redeemed divers^ who had been burnt w^'^out their 
succour i They ought also to be assured of our gratitude towards 
them, and to any others whd shall exercise such Christian Deedes, 
as they have done. 

! 1 Am als6 persuaded that they had a sincere intention for the 
conclusion of a firme peace between us and the'Maques. They 
ought in like manner to believe, that wee have alwayes expressly 
forbid y« Algonquins to make warr upon or kill them. 

Since the Dutch Oent. did send you y* Lrds which I writt unto 
them, you have knowne the candour of my thoughts, and the 
conlfidence which I had in their ffriendship, by that of the 14*^ 
July 1666 as also by the Request I made to the Reverend Father 
Bechefer (who is a person of great mcritt) accompanyed Mnth 
thrfee considerable persons, to transport himself upon the place, 
to conclude a peace, thereby to ease them of the trouble of 
cdming to Quebec. 

Its true the displeasure I received by the death of some Oent- 
nien, who went a fowling upon confidence, of that article •w'^^ is 
in the same letter those Gent'men sent mee, the second time, da- 
ted the 26t'> March 1666, the which I had publisht in our Garri- 
son [we have acquainted the Maquaes, that they are to forbear 
all acts of Hostility, during the time that the Messenger shall be 
absent which they have promised to observe] did give mee a just 
griefe, and a great deale of (Kscontent, It being evident that those 
Gent'men had not put themselves upon that hazard, without the 
assurance : w*''' would ha> e served amongst Europeans as well as 
the most authentick Passeport that could be had, the which also 
wee had caus'd the Algonquins to observe. 

Such an unexpected misfortune obliged mee to chang the de- 
signe I had of adventuring the person of ♦he reverend Father Be- 
chefer, and the rest that accompanied him, & I resolv'd to send 
only the Sieur Cousture (who had been a Prisoner among the 
Maques) with a letter to the Dutch Gent, of the 22<i July 1666. 
The said Cousture having no other employ than what was in his 

him leave 
ther direct 
tdligence < 
ted by thei 
Gent'men y 
then in peai 
up into our 
tioB that wj 
My L»re < 
AftTe infotukt 
prudent afltei 
quality. An 

i»»ve discoura 
Trust commit 
The intenti 
Interest of El 
▼ery comnaeni 
good Christiai 
the interest of 
there is no ma 
»n> & that hat) 
I returne yol 
you are pleas'^ 
you give mee 
wlityand respt 
particularly kn] 
opinion o£mee| 
^ntages which) 
I had the hoj 
considerable col 
(that was hee aj 
■erved in fflandl 
Strangers; Heel 
for the great mel 


Initraotion which hath or might have been seenC) sinod I gav« 
him leave to shew it. 

I had never the thought of accunng those Dutch Gent'men ei- 
ther directly or indirectly) nor any other person, of holding in- 
telligence with the Maquei in so foule an action as was commit- 
ted by them ; But writt onely to oblige them, and those other 
Oent'men who serve under yo' command at Albany, (for we were 
then in peace,) to councell the Maques, as Neighbours, to deliver 
up into our power, the actors of that murder, w°i> was a satisfac- 
tion that with reason I might promise myselfe on that occasion. 

My L're of the 22<> July to those Gent'men at Albany, might 
nave informed you what the S^ Cousture was ; ffor it had notbeene 
prudent alter the death of those Qent'men, to hazard a person of 
quality. And I am very sorry that you tooke the paines to leave 
the place of y usual residence, to make a Voyage to Albany, to 
have discourse with an ordinary Messenger who had nothmg of 
Trust committed to him. 

The intention you signify to have of Embracing Allwayes the 
Interest of Europe, against the barbarous Indyans of America, is 
very commendable and befitting a person of your Quality and a 
good Christian : That Passion which you likewise expresse, for 
the interest of his Ma^y of Great Brittaine, is to be esteemed, and 
there is no man of reason, who doth not approve y' judgm^ there- 
in, & that hath not the like for his Prince. 

I returne you thankes in particular for those obliging termes 
you are pleasM to use on my behalfe, as also for the assurances 
you give mee of a desire to hold a mutuall Correspondence of ci- 
vility and respect with mee to y* end before proposed : If I was 
particularly knowne to you I might feare you would alter your 
opinion o£ mee, for that Reputac6n doth very often give us ad- 
vantages which wee do not deserve. 

I had the bono' to serve the King in Germany, in the most 
considerable commands of his Army, at the time when my son 
(that was bee and not mee) was knowne unto you, in those which 
served in £9anders, where he commanded His Ma^ie^ Cavalry of 
Strangers : Hee hal a very particular respect for the person, and 
for the great meritt of his Royal Highnesse, The Duke of York, 




who seemed to bee well pleased with his respectful carriage to- 
wards him : You have no reasons to expect lesse services from 
meC) that you might have received from my son, upon all occa- 
sions where those of the King will permit mee to render them. 

It cannot bee but you must have heard from divers of your 
Nation that have beene in the Islands of America, how I have 
done them courtesyes with passion, and with as much civility as 
may bee ; I have cause enough to complaine that the same hath 
not beene practised towards me ; fibr that a vessell which went 
out of Boston, tooke in the Gulfe of St. Laurence, towards the 
latter end of June, or the beginning of July 1665, (near upon 
five months before the declarac6n of the warre) a barque of be- 
tweene 25 and 30 tunnes, vt'^^ belonged to mee, being laden wi(h 
a good quantity of strong Waters, and other refreshments which 
come from France : But as I know no other interest than that of 
the service of his Ma*y who bestowes many benefitts upon mee, 
I shall easily forgett that losse, 'till the conclusion of Peace , 
you may also believe that I am vr*^ a great deale of esteeme, 

S' Your thrice affectionate '' j* Si' 
I/; % r . • and humble Serv*. r r^i- 

-^' '.•■•■„ '' ■ r - '■':■ .■■..■-', Teact. 

Quebec > ,-;,*■ .'i , .-„. /■ ._■ , 

Apr.30, 1667. S " 



; ,. .'.''1 








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cm. NIC 




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lit. TI 

the Justice 
liaae the S 
any Laws i 
by Justices 
stable and ] 
Mayor and 
and. Thi 
that the sev( 
lowed with 
are able to 
dertaking, tl 
ships, The L 

3'««. The 

gives and grj 

paying the ( 

defraying of j 

ment to his B 

ed by his R. 

dred acres, w 

the Indyans. 

4. The G 

buy lands froi 

but the seating 

America, espei 

„i-\yi ■,'..}< ;:'.!.;■;■: ;Mt;^i ,r.:;s, .: ' ..; ■ :-i 

;_i -i^i.r •>:«•,..;'•■■;■.;. iv; 

.; f ,^- 



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.■.,^: . 

1 ■ . » 

,.>' • 


V ,■' V. 


[Load. Doe. II.] ' ' -. 

, Itt. The Qovernour and Councell with, the High Sheriffe tod 
the Justices of the Peace in the Court of the Generall assizes 
haue the Supreame Power of making) altering, and abolishing 
any Laws in this Ooyernment. The Country Sessions are held 
by Justices upon the Bench, Particular Town Courts by a Con- 
stable and Eight Overseers, The City Court of N. Yorke tby a 
Mayor and Aldermen. All causes tried by Juries. 

2nd. f he Land is naturally apt to produce Come & Cattle so 
that the sevei;all proportions or diyidents of Land are alwaies al- 
lowed with respect to the numbers of the Planters, what they 
are able to manage, and in w^ time to accomplish their un- 
dertaking, the feed of Cattell is free in commonage to all Towne- 
ships. The Lots of Meadow or Come Ground are peculiar to each 

Z*^. The Tenure of lands is derived from his R. H." who 
gives and grants lands to Planters as their freehold forever, they 
paying the customary rates and duties with others towards the 
defraying of publique charges. The highes Rent or acknowledg- 
ment to his R. H." will bee one penny pr acre for Lands purchas- 
ed by his R. H.", the least two shillings sixe pence for each hun- 
dred acres, whereof the Planters themselves are purchasers from 
the Indyans. ,1 

4. The Governour gives liberty to Planters to find out and 
buy lands from the Indyans where it pleaseth best the Planters, 
but the seating of Towns together is necessary in these parts of 
Ameiica, especially upon the Maine Land. 



I. V . 





6. Liberty of Conscience is graunted and assured with the 
the same Provisoe exprest in the Queerie. 

6. Liberty of ffishing and fowling is free to all by the Patent. 

7. All Causes are tried by Juries^ no Lawes contrary to the 
Lawes of England. Souldyers onely are tryable by a Court 
Marshall, and none others except in cases of suddain invasion, 
mutiny or rebellion, as his Ma*'«« Lieutenants in any of his 
Countries of England may or ought to exercise. 

8*i>. As to this point there is no taxe, toledge, Impost or Cus- 
tome payable upon the Planters upon Come or Cattle : the 
Country at present hath little other product, the Rate for publicke 
charges was agreed unto in a generall A;ssembly, and is now ma- 
naged by the Govemour his Councell and the Justices in the 
Court of Assizes to that onely behoofe. ' > '^ ', o j 

9*i>. The obtaining all thes priviledges is long since recom^nd- 
ed to his R. H.* as the next necessary encouragement to these 
his Territories, whereof a good answer is expected. 

lO^b. Every man who desires to trade for ffurrs at his re- 
quest hath liberty so to doe. 


YORK; 1678. 

[Lond. Doc. III.] 

Answers to the Inquires of Plantac6ns for New Yorke. 

1. The GoVerno' is to have a Councill not exceeding tenh, 
w**" whose advice to act for the safety & good of the country, & 
in every towne, village or parish a Petty Court, & Courts of 
Sessions in the Severall precints being three, on Long Island, k 
Townes of New Yorke, Albany & Esopus, & some smale or poore 
Islands & out places ; and the Generall court of assizes composed 
of the Governo' & Councill & all the Justices & magistrates att 
New York once a yeare, the Petty courts Judge of five pounds, 

& then m 
may appes 

2. The 
by the Coi 

3. Thei 
advice of t 
y" courts is 

4. The 1 
sembly att 
6. The J 
troopes the 
each all ind 
& exercised 
ing compan) 
fforts of Ne\ 
November fo 
6« Fortere 
Yorke towne 
with stone \ 
gunnes moun 
smale long st( 
sufficient ag* 
Pemaquid w'^ 
suflFk stores. 

7. There ar 

8. Our Nei 
strong but doe 
west the Maqn 
ern Parts of A 
the ffrench of 
Connecticut in 
▼isionn of whe 
the Sea. 

9- Wee keep 
to Civil], legall 



k then may appeale to Sessions, they to twenty pounds & then 
may appeale to assizes to y« King, al sd courts as by Law. 

2. The court of Admiralty hath been by speciall comission or 
by the Court of Mayo"" & Aldermen att New Yorke. 

3. The cheife Legislative power there is in the Governo' with 
advice of the Councell the executive power Judgem*" given by 
ye courts is in the sheriiSs & and other civil officers. 

4. The law booke in force was made by the Ooverno' & As- 
sembly att Hempsted in 166S & since confirmed by his Royall 
Highnesse. " ■- '.a' w-k^-" ;■■ *: - .■■ '.:.■■. i* ,■ 

5. The Militia is about 2000 of w"''' about 140 horse in three 
troopes the foote formed into companyes, most under 100 men 
each all indifferently armed with fire-armes of all sizes, ordered 
& exercised according to Law, and are good fire men, one stand- 
ing company of Souldiers with gunners & other officers for the 
fforts of New Yorke & Albany alwayes victualled in October & 
November for a yeare. 

6. Forteresses are James fforte seated upon a point of New 
Yorke towne between Hudson's River & y^ Sound, its a square 
with stone walls, foure bastions almost regular, and in it 46 
gunnes mounted & stores for service accordingly. Albany is a 
smale long stockadoed forte with foure bastions in it, 12 gunns, 
sufficient ag^ Indians, and lately a wooden redout & out worke at 
Pemaquid w*'' 7 gunns, s'd Garrisons victualled for a yeare, w*** 
suff'^ stores. 

7. There are no privateers about o"" Coasts. 

8. Our Neighbours westward are Mary land populous and 
strong but doe not live in townes, their produce tobacco. North- 
west the Maques &.^. Indians y« most warr like in all the North- 
ern Parts of America, their trade beavers & furrs. Northward 
the ffrench of Canada trade as wee with our Indians ; Eastward 
Connecticut in a good condicon & populous, Iheir produce pro- 
visionn of wheate, beefe & porke, some pease, o"^ South bounds 
the Sea. 

9. Wee keepe good Correspondence with all o' neighbours as 
to Civill, legall or judiciall proceedings, but differ with Connec- 








i I 


I .' 

ticutt for 0' bounds & mutuall assistance w*"" they nor MasMcha- 
setts will not admitt. ' ' ♦ 

10. Our boundaries are South, the Sea, West Delaware ; 
North to y« Lakes or ffrench j East Connecticut rirer, but most 
usurped & yett possSd by s'd Connecticut some Islands Eastward 
& a tract beyond Kennebeck River called Pemaquid, &c. New 
Yorke is in 40*^ 35n>j Albany ab* 43<i} the Collony is in several! 
long narrow stripes of w"'' a greate parte of the settlem* made 
by adventurers before any Regulac6nby w"'* Incroachm*" without 
pattents vr^^ townes have lately taken but by reason of continuall 
warrs noe Survey made & [qu. of thej wildemesse, noe certaine com- 
putac6n can be made of the planted and implanted, these last 2 
yeares about 20,000 acres taken up and pattented for particuler 
persons besides Delaware, most of the land taken up except upon 
Long Island is improued & unlesse the bounds of the Duke's 
pattent be asserted noe great quantityes att hand undisposed. 

11. Our principall places of Trade are New Yorke and Sooth- 
'ton except Albany for the Indyans, our buildings most wood, 
some lately stone & brick, good country houses & strong of their 
severall klndes. 

12. Wee haue about 24 townes, villiages or parishes in Six 
Precincts, Divisions, Rydeings, or Courts of Sessions. 

13. Wee haue severall Rivers, Harbours & Roades, Hudson's 
River the chiefest & is ab^. 4 fathom water att coming in butt 
six, tenn or more within & very good soundings & anchorage 
either in Hudson's River or in the Sound, the usuall roade before 
the town and moulde. 

14. Our produce is land provisions of all sorts as of wheate 
exported yearly about COGOO bushells, pease, beefe, pork, & some 
Refuse fish. Tobacco, beavers, peltry or furrs from the IndiaL '■ 
Deale & oake timber, plankes, pipestaues, lumber, horses, & pitch 
& tarr lately begunn to be made, Comodityes imported are all 
sorts of English manufacture for Christians & blancketts, Dufifells 
&.^. for Indians about 50000ii> yearly, Pemaquid afords merchant- 
able ffish & masts. 

' 15. Wee haue noe Experience or skill of Salt Peter to be had 
in Quantityes. 

16. C 

about 20( 

of Englai 

& some fe 

Tcry few s 

17. N. 


the several 

plantacdn i 

been taken 

few Slaues 

Tudons and 

18. Mir 
noe acc^ cai 

19. Scai 
Justices, not 

20. Noe 
being genera 

21. Am 
stantiall mer 
accompted f 

23. Ther 
from tenn to 
& a Ketch noi 
23. Obsti 
and mutuall 
owne produci 
neighbours uj 
we obseruein 
24. Aduai 
& Navigacdn 
the King's su 
tinction, supp 
obserueing all 
persons the be 



16. Our Merch** are not many but with inhabitants k plaatm 
about 2000, able to beare armes, old inhabitants of the p)aee or 
of England, Except in & neere New Yorke of Dutch Extraction 
& some few of all naUoos, but few Sery^*) muoh wanted k bat 
Tery few slaves. ' 

17. Noe persons whateuer are to come from any place bat 
according to act ofif Pari* vr^^ the magistrates and officers of 
the severall townes or places are to take care of, accordingly the 
plantacdn is these late yeares increased, butt noe Gknrall ace* hath 
been taken soe is not knowne how much nor what persona. Some 
few Slaues are sometimes brought from Barbadoes, most for Pro* 
yisions and sould att a<>* 30*i> or 35i<> Country pay. 

18. Ministers have been soe scarce & Religions many that 
noe acc^ cann be giuen of Children's births or christenings. 

19. Scarcity of Ministers and Law admitting marriages by 
Justices, noe ace* cann be giuen of the number marryed. 

20. Noe ace* cann be giuen of burialls, formes of burialls not 
being generally obserued & few ministers till very lately. 

21. A merch* worth lOOO'** or 600li> is accompted a good sub- 
stantiall merchant and a planter worthe halfe that in moveables 
accompted [rich 7] with all the Estates may be valued att about 

23. There may lately haue traded to y* Collony in a yeare 
from tenn to fifteen shipps or vessells of about togeather 100 tunns 
eacb,English new England and our owne built of w*''' 5 small shipps 
&. a Ketch now belonging to New Yorke foure of them built there. 

23. Obstrucc6ns to Improuem* of planters, trade, Navigacdn 
and mutuall assistance are y^ distinction of Collonies for our 
owne produce, as if different nations and people, though next 
neighbours upon the same tract of land, & His Ma**^* subjects, 
we obserueing acts of trade & navigac6n &c. 

24. Aduantages, Incouragem* & Improuem* of Planters trade 
& Navigac6n would be more if next neighbours of o' own Nation 
the King's subjects on the same tract of land might without dis- 
tinction, supply each other with our owne produce, punctually 
obserueing all acts of parliam* for Exportacdn & would dispose all 
persons the better for mutuall assistance. 


V i 



' !■■■ 
' '.-'1 

11 t ^ 


S6. Rates or dutyes upon Goods exported are 2* for each hhd of 
Tobacco & 1* 3^ on a beaver skin & other peltry proportionably, 
Proyisions and all else paye nothing, Goods imported paye82 per 
cent except Liquors particularly rated something more, & Indian 
trade goeing up the river payes 3 per cent, there are some few 
quitt-rents, as also Excise or license monys for retaileing stronge 
drinke & a way house or publique Scale : all applyed to y* Gar- 
rison and publique charge, to which it hath not hitherto sufficed 
by a greate deale. 

26. There are Religions of all sorts, one church of England, 
Several Presbiterians & Independents, Quakers & Anabaptists of 
Severall sects, some Jews but presbiterians & Independ** most 
numerous & Substantiall. 

27. The Duke maintaines a chapline w<'i> is all the certaine 
allowance or Church of England, but peoples free gifts to y' 
Ministry, and all places oblidged to build Churches & provide for 
a minister, in vr'^^ most very wanting, but presbiterians & Inde- 
pend** desierous to have and maintaine them if to be had. There 
are ab* 20 Chuiches or Meeting places of w^i* aboue halfe vacant 
their allowance like to be from 40ii> to 70'i> a yeare and a house and 
garden. Noe Beggars but all poore cared fibr. If good Minis- 
ters could be had to goe theither might doe well & gaine much 
upon those people. •^-'' 

Endorsed ' ' ^ 

<< Answers of inquiries of New-York ■• '-- =' " 
Rec* from S' Edm. Andros on the le**" - ' 
of Ap. 1678." 

NoTK. — Chalmers gives in his Annals what purport to be copies 
of these Reports, but they will be found to be rather abstracts 
when compared with the official MSS. which are now published 
in full, it is believed for the first time. v .. 



J&. k la 38am»a f x^iebHlan 







o'» <'« lA l«v 


' >. 



i .7/ 


j »1 

He is equ 

the French J 

the latter ha 

the Colonies 

severe war aj 

and to live ii 

on the lands 

warlike tribei 

Majesty has « 


and committe 

that they will 

portant that t 

to proceed as 

favorably situ 

Frontenac at 

these Iroquois 

their duty ani 

against the Fre 

with them witi 

tude to promt 

have undertak< 

He must not 

Iroquois agains 

the Savages at 



[Pant Doe. Vol. II.] . , 

I ' '.* YvmillM, 10th Majr, 1882. 

. 'He is equally informed that the Savages nearest adjoining to 
the French Settlements are the Algonquins and the Iroquois, that 
the latter had repeatedly troubled the peace and tranquillity of 
the Colonies of New France until His Majesty having waged a 
severe war against them, they were finally constrained to submit 
and to live in peace and quietness without making any incursions 
on the lands inhabited by the French. But as these restless and 
warlike tribes cannot be kept down except by terror, and as His 
Majesty has even been informed by the last despatches, that the 
Onnontagu6s and Senecas — Iroquois tribes — have killed a Recollet 
and committed many other violences and that it is to be feared 
that they will push their audacity even further ; It is very im- 
portant that the said Sieur de la Barre put himself in a condition 
to proceed as early as possible, with 5 or 600 of the militia most 
favorably situated for this expedition along the shores of Lake 
Frontenac ai the mouth of Lake Conty, to exhibit himself to 
these Iroquois Settlements in a condition to restrain them within 
their duty and even to attack them should they do any thing 
against the French, wherein he must observe that he is not to break 
with them without a very pressing necessity and an entire certi- 
tude to promptly and advantageously finish a war ths^t he will 
have undertaken against them. 

He must not only apply himself to prevent the violences of the 
Iroquois against the French. He must also endeavour to keep 
the Savages at peace among themselves, and prevent the Iroquois 




by all means making war on the Illinois and other tribes, neigh- 
bours to them, being very certain that if these Nations whose 
iurs, the principal trade of Canada, are destroyed, should see 
themselves secure against the violence of the Iroquois by the 
protection they would receive from the French, they might be so 
much the more excited to wear their merchandizes and will there- 
by increase trade. 

^V-M -Tff^* 



At the meeting held the tenth October 1682, com- 
posed of M. the Governor, M. the Intendant, M. 
the Bishop of Quebec, M. Dollier Superior of the 
Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal, the Rev. 
Fathers Beschefer Superior, D'Ablon and Fremin, 
Jesuits, M. the Major of the City, Mess", de Va- 
renne Governor of Three Rivers, de Brussy, Dali- 

< bout, Duguet, Lemoine, Ladurantais, Bizard, Chail- 
ly, Vieuxpont, Duluth, de Sorel, Derepentigny, 
Berthier and Boucher. 

It is proposed by M. the Governor, that from the records 
which M. the Count de Frontenac was pleased to deposit in his 
hands of what had passed at Montreal on the 12 Sept. last,^ be- 
tween him and the Deputy of the Onontagu6 Iroquois, it is easy 
to infer that these people are inclined to follow the object of their 
enterprize, which is to destroy all the Nations in alliance with 
us, the one after the other, whilst they keep us in uncertainty and 
with folded arms; so that, after having deprived us of the entire 
fur trade which they wish alone to carry on with the English and 
Dutch established at Manate and Orange, they may attack us 
isolated, and ruin the Colony in obliging it to contract itself and 
abandon all the separate settlements, and thus arrest the cultiva- 
tion of the soil which cannot bear grain nor be cultivated as 
meadow except in quarters where it is of good quality. 

As he is not informed in the short time since his arrival from 
France, of the state of these tribes and of the Colony, he requests 
them to acquaint him with all they know of these things in order 



that he may inform hin Mnjcsty thereof, and represent to him the 
necessities of this Coloi y, for the purpose as well of averting this 
war as for terminating and finishing it advantageously should it 
be necessary to wage it ; Whereupon the Meeting after being in- 
formed by the Revi Jesuit fathers of what had passed during five 
years among the Iroquois Nations, whence they had recently ar- 
rived, and by M. Dollier of what occurred for some years at 
Montreal, remained unanimously and all of one accord, that the 
English have omitted nothing for four years to induce the Iro- 
quois, either by the great number of presents which they made 
them or by the cheapness with which they gave them provisions 
and especially gun^, powder and lead, to declare war against us, 
and which the Iroquois have been two or three times ready to i 
undertake ; But having reflected that, should they attack us be- 
fore they had ruined in fact the allied nations, their neighbours, 
these would rally and, uniting together, would fall on them and 
destroy their villages whilst occupied against us, they judged it 
wiser to defer and amuse us whilst they were attacking those 
Nations, and having commenced, with that view, to attack the 
Illinois last year, they hail so great an advantage over them that 
besides three or four hundred killed, they took nine hundred of 
them prisoners, so that marching this year with a corps of twelve 
hundred men, well armed and good warriors, there was no doubt 
but they Would e)cterminate them altogether and attack, on their 
return, the Miamis and the Kiskakous and by their defeat render 
themselves masters of Missilimackina and the lakes H^ri^ and 
Huron, the Bay des Puans and thereby deprive us of all the trade 
drawn from that country by destroying, at the same time, all the 
Christian Missions established among those nations ; and there- 
fore it became necessary to make a last effort to prevent them 
ruining those Nations as they had formerly the Algonquins, the 
Andastez, the Loups (Mohegans), the Abcnaquis and others, the 
remains of whom we have at the settlements of Sillery, Laurette, 
Lake Champlain and others scattered among us. That to accom- 
plish that object, the state of the Colony was to be considered, 
and the means to be most usefully adopted against the enemy j 
that as to the Colony we could bring together a thousand good 



men, bearing arms and accustomed to manage canoes like the 
Iroquois, but when drawn from their settlements, it must be con- 
sidere(J that the cultivation of the soil would be arrested during 
the whole period of their absence, and that it is necessary, be- 
fore making them march, to have supplies of provisions necessary 
in places distant from the settlements, so as to support them in 
the enemy's country a time sufficiently long to effectually destroy 
that Nation, and to act no more by them as had been done seven- 
teen years ago, making them partially afraid without weakening 
them. That we have advantages now which we had not then ; 
the French accustomed to the Woods, acquainted with all the 
roads through them, and the road to Fort Frontenac open to fall 
in forty hours on the Senecas, the strongest of the five Iroquois 
Nations, since they alone can furnish fifteen hundred warnors, 
well armed ; that there must be provisions at Fort Frontenao, 
three or four vessels to load them and embark five hundred men on 
Lake Ontario, whilst five hundred others would go in Canoes and 
post themselves on the Seneca shore ; but this expedition cannot 
succeed unless by His Majesty's aid with a small body of two or 
three hundred soldiers to serve as a garrison for Forts Frontenac 
and La Galette, to escort provisions and keep the head of the 
country guarded and furnished whilst the interior would be 
deprived of its good soldiers ; a hundred or a hundred and 
fifty hired men, to be distributed among the settlements to 
help those who will remain at home to cultivate the ground, 
in order that famine may not get into the land ; and funds neces- 
sary to collect supplies and build two or three barks, without 
which and that of Sieur de Lasalle, it is impossible to undertake 
any thing of utility : That it is a war which is not to be com- 
menced to be left imperfect, because knowing each other better 
than seventeen years ago, if it were to be undertaken without 
finishing it the conservation of the Colony is not be expected, 
the Iroquois not being apt to return. That the failure of all aid 
from France had begun to create contempt for us among the said 
Iroquois, who believed that we were abandoned by the great 
Onontio, our Master, and if they saw us assisted by him, they 
would, probably, change their minds and let our allies be in 



peace and consent not to hunt on their grounds, or bring all 
their peltries to the French, which they trade at present with the 
English at Orange ; and thus by a small aid from his Majesty we 
could prevent war and subject these fierce and hot spirits, which 
would be the greatest advantage that could be procured for the 
Country. That notwithstanding, it was important to arm the 
militia and in this year of abundant harvest to oblige them to 
furnish guns which they could all advantageously use when occa- 
sion required. *' 

Done in the house of the Rev^ Jesuit Fathers at Quebec, the 

day and year above stated. . ^^ 

' Compared with the original remaining in my hands. ' 

Le Fe Bure de Lababbx. 



February 10, 1684. 

• • * • The Governor of New York is to come, they 
say, next summer to the Mohawk and speak there to the Iroquois. 
We'll see what he'll say. He has sent a shabby ship's flag to 
the Mohawk to be planted there. This is the coat of arms of 
England. This flag is still in the public chest of the Mohawks. 
I know not when it will see day. 


* ' Montreal 15th June 1684. 

Sir — ^The unexpected attack which the Iroquois, Senecas and 
Cayugas have made on one of my forts whither I had sent a gen- 
tleman of my household to withdraw Sieur de la Salle therefrom, 
whom I sent at their request to France, and the wholesale plunder 
of seven French canoes laden with merchandize for the Trade, 
and the detention during ten days of 14 Frenchmen who were 
conducting them up, and that in a time when I was in a quiet 



'] i Mv. 


;!' ■! 

and p&'^oeahle negottaition with tbem, oblige me to Eittack tbem 
•8 ,pieQpA<! from who^e promises vre have nothing to expect but 
murder and treaf<an ; but 1 did* not wish to do so without ad- 
arising you of it, aud teUlnig you at the same time, that the Mo- 
hawics and Ooeidas, neighbours of Albany, having done me no 
srrong, I intend to j^main at peace wUh th«m and not attach 

The ]||ejtters which I <hayie rec<^ jfrom France inform me 2a dioes 
that which you were pleased to honour me with, that our two 
Kings desire that weifihould Uve in Unio^ md Fraternity toge- 
ther. I shall contribute with the greatest joy, and with a punc- 
tuality with which you wiU be isatisfied. I think that on the pre- 
sent .occasion you can well grant me the request I make to forbid 
those at Albany selling any Arms, Powder or Lead to the Iro- 
quois who attacked us and to the other tribes who may trade 
with them. 

This proceeding alone may intimidate them, and when they 
see the Christians united «n this subject they w^ill shew them 
more respect than they have done hitherto. 

If you have any cause of complaint against their conduct, you 
can advance it noW) & I shall consider your interests as those of 
fay master, as soon as I shall hear from you I lyill answer regard- 
iing what you may require from jay ministry in a manner entirely 
satisfactory to you, esteeming nothing in the world more highly 
than the opportunity to testify to you how truly I am 

Sir ..;......, 

Your very humble Serv* 
' (Signed) Le Feburk de la Barre. 

his Rii ] 

their sub 


ver of Cfi 

Come up( 

thing whi 

I desir* 

forbidde t 

lakes thi 

shall not u 

heartily be 

* yours t] 

purpose; ai 

^I»at is iust 

not r shall 1 

that can be \ 

continue & J 

nient & desi 

ences are 

to be decidec 

I do assur< 

that there sh( 

this Go verm* 

upon all Occj 


1 1 


■■J-' tar.Y.OouiicUMin.T.] 

New York Jane jr?*'" 1684. 
gr— Y" dated the 15t»» I received the 23<i of S. V. of tiiis In- 
stant ; & am vrry sorry that I did not know sooner of the mis- 
understanding between you and the Indians that so I might (us 
really I would) haue vsed all iust measures to prevent it 

Sir— I came 
quaes but was 


er expressli 



those Indians are under this Governm* as doth appeare by 
his R" High" his patent from his Ma^y the King of England and 
their submitting themselves to this Goverm^ as is manifest by o' 
Records, his R'^ Highnesses territories reaching as far as the Ri- 
ver of Canada and yet notwithstanding the people of y' Goverm* 
Come upon the great lake as allso on this side of both lakes, a 
thing which will scarcely be beleeved in England 

I desire you to hinder them from so doing ; & I will strictly 
forbidde the people of this Province to go on your side of the 
lakes this I haue hinted that there may be no occasion, as there 
shall not undoubtedly a£ mine, to break that desirable and faire 
Correspondence between the two Kings our Masters I am so 
heartily bent to promote the Quiet & tranquillity of this Country 
& yours that I intend forthwith to go myselfe to Albany on 
purpose ; and there send for the Indians, & require of them to do 
what is iust in order to a satisfhction to y' pretences ; if they will 
not I shall not uniustly protect them, but do for y Gt)vemm* all 
that can be reasonably expected from me ; & in the mean time to 
continue & preserue a good Amity between us I tlunk it conve- 
nient & desire that no Acts of hostility be o6mitted, such differ- 
ences! are of so weighty a concerne that they are most proper 
to be decided at home and not by us. ;<•- k «if ii'.n ^-^^ 

I do assure you S' that no body liueing hath ai greater desire 
that there should be a strict friendshipp betwixt the subjects of 
this Goverm* & yours ^en I haue and no body more willing 
upon all Occasions ivstly to approue my selffe S' 

Y' humble Serv* 



, ; [Lond. Doo. y.] 

' - .. ,, ,■ f-.^. Fort Albany, July 1684. 

Sir — I came to this town with an intention to sent for the Sene^ 
quaes but was prevented by some of their Sachims being come 
hither expressly to meet me. , ■ , .^ , • . , , , , . ; , ., 





They tell me that your Intentions are to make warr against 
them and they believe that you have already entered their coun- 
trey which repport I can scarcely give creditt to, after my last 
letter written to you. 

You cannot be ignorant that those Indians are under this Go- . 
verm* and I do assure you they have againe voluntarily given up 
both themselves and their lands to it, and in their application 
which they make to me, do offer, that if they have done anything 
amisse they will readily give all reasonable satisfation. 

S' I should be very sorry to hear that you invade the Duke's 
Territories, after so just and honest an offer, and my promisse, 
that the Indians shall punctually perform whatever can be in 
justice required for all these injuries which you complaine they 
have committed. 

I do not doubt but that if you please, this affair may be quietly 
reconciled between you and the Indians, if not, as I wrote in my 
former, wee have Masters in Europe to whom we should properly ' 

To prevent as much as I can all the inconveniencyes that may 
happen. I have sent the bearer with this letter and have ordered 
the Coates of Armes of His Royal Highnesse the Duke of York 
to b< put up in the Indyan Castles which may diswade you from 
acting anything that may create a misunderstanding between us 

I am with all respect 
'f: ''' Most humble & affectionate 
'V- Servant 

(Signed) Tho Don^ak 

;i(#^e.> -^rv; 



[Paris Doe. n.i Lond. Doe. v.] 

Camp at Lachine, 24 Jnljr 1684. 
Sir—- 1 was much astonished by the receipt of your two letters ot 
the fifth of July, New Stile, seeing one in French written by 
you, which I knew came from you as from friend to friend, and 



that written in English which I knew came from your Council 
and not from people disposed to maintain the union of our two 

I sent Sieur Bourbon to you to advise you of the vengeance 
which I was about to wreak for the insult inflicted on the Chris- 
tian name by the Senecas and Cayugas, and you answer me about 
pretensions to the possessions of lands of which neither you nor I 
are judges, but our two Kings who have sent us, and of which 
there is no question at present, having no thought of conquering 
countries but of making the Christian name and the French peo- 
ple to be respected, in which I will spill the last drop of my 

'I have great esteem for your person, and considerable desire to 
preserve the honour of his Britannick Majesty's good graces as 
well as those of my Lord the Duke of York, and I even believe 
that they will greatly appreciate my chastisement of those who 
insult you and capture you every day, as they have done this 
winter in Merilande. But if I was so unfortunate as that you de- 
sired to protect robbers, assassins and traitors, I could not distin- 
guish their protector from themselves. I pray you, then, to at- 
tach faith to the credit which I give Sieur de Salvaye to explain 
every thing to you ; and, if the Senecas and Cayugas wish your 
services as their intercessor to take security from them, not in 
the Indian but in the European fashion, without which and the 
honor of hearing from you, I shall attack them towards the 20*i> 
of the month of August, New Stile. 

A ' 
.. -'I 



• '•ij.=. I'.' 

Your very humble Servant ' - >,!; 
Le Febube de la Babre. 

. \i^-!y^ < 





» lUiii.l 




f K 




[Par. Doc. II. 5 Lowl. Doc. V.] . , ' ■ 

INSTRUCTIONS which Sieur de la Barre King's Councillor in his CQuneilt, 
Governor & his Lieutenant Qeneral in all the Countries of New France and 
Acadie, Gives to Sieur de Salvage his Ambassador to Colonel Dongan, 
Governor of New. Yorlc, to explain to him the unfaithfulness and violences 
committed by thpSenect^ and Cayugas against the French. 

He is, in the first pl^oci tp make known to him the quturter where 
the pillage of the, s^\,efi canoes was perpetrated, and thi\t it is more 
than 400 leagues dists^nt from here and an equal distance, at least^ 
Sputhw:est ffom Albany, ip the 39*'' or 40* degree. 

T^s^t that place l^s been occupied over 25 years by the French 
who there established Catholic Missions of the Jesuit Fathers, 
and, traded tl^^re {(nU fait la traitte) since that time, without the 
English having, ever known, or spoken of, that country. 

T^hat the question is. not about the country of the Iroquois, nor 
the Eastern shQres of Lake Erie. 

That the Iroquois having lived, previous to the arrival of M. 
de la Barre, with little consideration for the French, he was desi- 
rous to speak with them, to see if they were friends or foes, and 
for that purpose they were all assembled at Montreal last August 
where, every thing was arranged on a friendly basis ; even the 
Senecas and Cayugas had demanded the said Sieur de la Barre to 
withdraw Sieur de la Salle from the government of Fort St. Louis, 
in Illinois ; which he caused to be done and had the said Sieur de 
la Salle sent to France in the month of last November. 

That notwithstanding this, and all the protestations they had 
made, a band of 200 warriors, Senecas and Cayugas having met 
in the month of March of this year, seven canoes manned by 14 
Frenchmen, with fifteen or sixteen thousand pounds of Merchan- 
dize, who were going to trade with the Scious, towards the South- 
west, pillaged them and took them prisoners, without any resist- 
ance from the said Frenchmen, who considered them as friends, 
and after having detained them nine days, with thousands of taunts 
and insults, released them without having given them either arms 
or canoes for provisions and to cross the rivers. After which the 
said Iroquois went and attacked Fort St. Louis, where Sieur Che- 
ralier de Blangy was in the place of said Sieur de la Salle who 

had been 
and been 
Fort the 
That Si 
mitted in 
two course 
wage war 
that descrij 
That, thi 
Colonel Do 
to unite wit 
i That the 
no part in a 
s«e if they, t 
That his t 
postpone attj 
That in de 
master was p 
be had receii 
of Colonel D 
dersto maints 
Sieur de la Bi 
be had any in 
to that commi 
I^one at the 

And lower 

ii 'Wi- 


!• It is not 
bave done to tl 
from Mont Roj 

] ' 



ha<l been withdrawn at their request. Hating made three assaults 
and been vigorously repulsed) they withdrew from before the said 
Fort the 29'*' of said month of March. 

That Sieur de la Barre having seen these acts of hostility com- 
mitted in time of established peace and whicli Tcganeout their 
Ambassador was coming to him to confirm, he might have adopted 
two courses, one to detain the said ambassador, and the other to 
wage war against them, not being able to endure a treachery of 
that description against the Christian name and French Nation. . 

That, things being in this condition, he could not believe that 
Colonel Dongan would interfere therein in any way, if it wete not 
to unite with him in destroying these traitors and Infidels. 

, That the Mohawks and Oneidas, neighbours of Albany, have 
no part in all this war, and that he has enToys at: Onontagu^ to 
see if they will take a part. ^ ■' 

That his troops being assembled and on the march, he cannot 
postpone attacking the Senecas unless by losing the campaign. 
> That in despatches .dated the 6^ of August last, the King his 
roaster was pleased to communicate to him the information which 
he had received from the King of England, of the appointment 
of Colonel Dongan as Governor of New York, with express or* 
dersto maintain good understanding and correspondence with said 
Sieur de la Barre, who, on that account, could have no idea that 
be had any intention to protect a treachery and injustice similar 
to that committed by villains on Frenchmen. 

Done at the Camp of Lachine the 24th July 1684. 'i ■ 

Signed, rJ^ Ls fkbure de la Babrs. : ; 

And lower down by M. Regnaut. ' 

7 i*f 

'h-'t > v. 



[Lond. Doc. Y.] 


1. It is not intended that I will justify the wrong the Indians 
have done to the French so farr to the southwest as 400 leagues 
from Mont Royall or in any other place whatsoever, though in all 




I :• 


probability if we were to dispute these countreys so farr to the 
south west are more likely to be ours then the French haveing 
English Colonies much nearer them. 

2. The pretences you make to that countrey by your 26 years 
possession, and sending Jesuits amongst them are very slender, 
and it may bee, you may have the same to other countries as for 
Jesuites living amongst them, how charitable soever it may bee it 
gives no right or title, and it is a great wonder that the English 
who so well know America should neither hear nor see in a long 
time the treaty you speak of 

3. But if the matter in debate bee not concerning the land on 
the side of the lake of Canida, it is desired to know what it is 
concerning since the Indians offer to give satisfaction for what 
injuries can be prooved to bee cdmitted by them as they say they 
have formerly done in such cases, and if they do not I never pro- 
mised them any countenance from this government. 

I wonder that Mons' de la Barr should send for any Indians 
who ouned themselves under this Government to know whether 
they were friends or ennemies, since this Government at that time 
and at this present hath enjoyed for aught I know a full and per- 
fect peace with the Government of Canida ; as for the case of 
La Salle I am not concerned in it but wonder you should send 
him to France upon the bare complaint of the Indians 

As for the injuries, affronts, insolencyes and robberyes comit- 
ted by the Indians upon the French, I have earnestly pressed 
them to make a submission and satisfaction, and that out of a true 
consideration of the misseryes that may happen by having a warr 
with such Savages. 

I could heartily wish that the Sieur de la Barre had sooner 
given me notice of the act of hostility before he had detained 
Taganeout there Ambassadour, or made warr against them, that I 
might have used all just methods to prevent a warr that may be 
destructive to either party — 

That the Governor of Canida does very well in believing what 
truly he ought that I will notj|interest myselfe in any manner to 
countenance such villanyes and if I did not think there was a 
middle way to compose that difference myselfe, I would be wil- 
lini( to ioyne against them 

I am g 

bany hav( 

soe great 

there had 

loose the < 

• That it 

with the Si 

if I have n 

or inclinati 



Monsieur De 
I have seer 
you have ta 
moved you t 
lony of New 
jects and dive 
theia to frequ, 
can frequently 
being even in 
prove your ad( 
offered the fift 
on Fort St. L 
riously intende 
position to sust 
given orders fo 
I have caused t 
the ports of Br 
Marines contain 
this reinforceme 
Rochelle, and w 
will furnish you 
utterly those pe 



I am glad you asured me that the neighbourghing Indians to Al- 
bany have no share in that warr, but I am sorry the troops are in 
soe great forwardness, that if my former advice had bin taken, 
there had been no absolute necessity to attaque the Indians or 
loose the campaigne. 

That it is very true, I ought to have a good correspondence 
with the Sieur de la Barr, and it is not nor ever shall bo my fault 
if I have not, and I againe must tell you that I have no thought 
or inclination to protect any villany whatsoever. 


[Pari! Doe. II.1 
Monsieur De la barre 

I have seen by your letters of the 5**> June last, the resolution 
you have taken to attack the Iroquois, and the reasons which 
moved you to it, and though it is a grave misfortune for the Co- 
lony of New France which will interrupt the trade of my sub- 
jects and divert them from the cultivation of the land and expose 
them to frequent insults on the part of the Iroquois Savages, who 
can frequently surpiize them in distant settlements, without your 
being even in a state to succor them ; I do not hesitate to ap- 
prove your adoption of that resolution since, by the insult they 
offered the fifteen Frenchmen whom they pillaged, and the attack 
on Fort St. Louis, you have had reason to believe that they se- 
riously intended declaring war, and as I wish to place you in a 
position to sustain it, and bring it to a speedy termination, I have 
given orders for equipping the Ship L'Emerillon, on board which 
I have caused to be embarked three hundred soldiers quartered in 
the ports of Brest and Rochefort with the number of Officers and 
Marines contained in the lists which you will find annexed, and 
this reinforcement with that sent to you by the last vessels from 
Rochelle, and which you have learned from my preceding letters, 
will furnish you means to fight advantageously, and to destroy 
utterly those people, or at least to place them in a state, after 


DE LA BARRfi*8 fiXPCDlttOir 


haying punished them for their insolence, to receive peace on the 
conditions vrhich you will impose on them. '-' 

You must observe as regards this war that even though you 
prosecute it with advantage, if you do not find means to wage it 
promptly, it will not the less cause the ruin of the colony, the 
people of which cannot subsist in the continual disquietude of 
being attacked by the Savages, and in the impossibility in which 
they find themselves of applying themselves to trade and the 
cultivation of their farms. Therefore whatever advantage you 
may derive for the glory of my arms and the entire destruction 
of the Savagts by the continuation of this war, you ought to pre- 
fer peace which restoring quietness to my subjects will place you 
in a condition to increase the Colony by the means pointed out to 
you in my preceding letters. 

I write to my ambassador in England to procure orders from 
the Duke of York to prevent him who commands at Baston 2m* 
sisting the Savages with troops, arms or ammunition, and I have 
reason, to believe that orders will be despatched as> soon as repre- 
sentations on my part will have been made. 

I arv very glad, to tell you that from every thing I learn of what 
has occurred in Canada, the fault which you committed in not 
punctually executing my orders relative to the number of twenty- 
five licenses to be granted to my subjects, and the great number 
you have sent on all sides, in order to favor persons belonging 
to yourself, appears to me to have been the principal cause of what 
has happened on the part of the Iroquois. I hope you will re- 
pair this fault by giving a prompt and glorious termination to 
this war. 


It; appears to me also that one of the principal causes of the 
war arises from one Du Lhut having caused two Iroquois to be 
killed who had assassinated two Frenchmen in Lake Superior, and 
yousufiKciently see how much this man's voyage, which cannot 
produce any advantage to the Colony, and which was permitted^ 
only in the interest of some private persons, has contributed to 
disturb the repose of the Colony. 

As it concerns the gpod of my service to diminish as mnch is 


stout an I 
gallJPs, I 

by every < 


I desire 
sion of Si( 
you do no 
take under 


Having b 
the resolutic 
of the couni 
having, in c( 
to Frenchme 
fourteen, as 1 
Louis of the 
defended him 
Teganeout, o 
had come to 
try before th 
oblige me no 
sons, we cons 
to divide the 
send persons c 
Jesuit Fathers 
act; thesecor 
to come to my 
as many as the 
advise Colone 



possible the number of the Iroquois, and as these Savages who ure 
stout and robust, will, moreover, serve with advantage in my 
gallJ^s, I wish you to do every thing in your power to make a great 
number of them prisoners of M'ar, and that you have them shipped 
by every opportunity which will offer for their removal to France 

I desire likewise that you leave Fort Frontenac in the posses 
sion of Sieur de la Salle or those who are there for him, and that 
you do nothing, in opposition to the interest of that man whom 1 
take under my special protection. . ,, 

{i ''t, , '■' 



. ' ■ , [PariiDoo. II.] 

...'■k'l 'V" . ■'> . . '■■■ -■ - ■■ ^ -^ 

; Having been obi ged to leave early in June, in conformity to 
the resolution adopted by the Intendant, the Bishop, the heads 
of the country and myself, to wage war against the Senecas for 
having, in cold blood, pillaged seven hundred canoes belonging 
to Frenchmen ; arrested and detained the latter to the number of 
fourteen, as prisoners for nine days, and finally attacked Fort St. 
Louis of the Illinois, where the Chevalier de Bangy gallantly 
defended himself, and having resolved, at the same time, to seize 
Teganeout, one of their chiefs and his twelve companions who 
had come to ratify the peace made last year, who \ei\ their coun- 
try before they heard of this attack, which circumstance would 
oblige me not to treat them ill, but merely to secure their per- 
sons, we considered three things necessary: First, to endeavour 
to divide the Iroquois among themselves, and for this purpose, to 
send persons expressly to communicate my sentiments to the Rev<' 
Jesuit Fathers who are Missionaries there and to request them to 
act ; the second, to send to the Outaouacs to engage our French 
to come to my assistance by the South, by Lake Erie and to bring 
as many as they could of the Savages, our allies ; and thirdly, to 
advise Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York of what we 



were obliged to do, whilst at the same time I would throw a 
considerable reinforcement of men into Fort Frontenac to secure 
it. Being arrived at Montreal the tenth of the said monw, we 
sent for Mr. DoUier, Superior of the Seminary of said town and 
of the Mission to the Indians of the Mountain, and the Reverend 
Pero Briare, Superior of the Mission of the Sault Saint Louis, 
'who having concurred with us, furnished seven Christian Iroquois, 
friendly to the French and pretty shrewd, two of whom we sent 
with some Belts of Wampum to the Mohawks, and two to the 
Oneidas, to say to them that we were resolved to observe the 
peace made with them — that we were very willing to live there 
as with friends, and that we requested them not to interfere in 
the war which we were about to wage against the Senecas, who 
had cruelty insulted us in the person of the frenchmen whom 
they had plundered and seized, and fort St. Louis which they had 
attacked, since, and in violation of the peace made last year at 
Montreal ; we sent the three others to Onontagu^ to explain the 
same things, and finally I despatched Sieurs Quillet and Hcbert 
to the Outaouacs to advise Sieurs Ladurantaye and Dulhut of 
my design and of the need I had of their assistance, and sent my 
orders to the Rev. Father Enjalran, Superior of said Missions, to 
operate there and send orders to different quarters according to 
his usual zeal and capacity, whilst I despatched Sieur Bourbon to 
Orange or Manatte to notify Colonel Dongan of the insult the 
French had received from the Senecas, which obliged me to 
march against them, of which I gave him notice, assuring him 
that if he wished to revenge ihe twenty-six Englishmen of Meri- 
lande, whom they had killed last winter, I would promise him 
that I would unite my forces to his, that he may obtain satisfac- 
tion for it, or avenge them. 

I next despatched Sieur Dutast, first captain of the King^s 
troops, on the twentieth of the same rponth with five or six 
picked soldiers and six mechanics, carpenters and masons, with 
provisions and ammunition of war to throw themselves into Fort 
Frontenac and put it, in all haste, beyond insult ; after which, 
having caused all to embark at la Chine, I proceeded from Mont- 
real, on St. John's day, to return to Quebec where I had requested 

the Inteni 

should 'foli 

^'y; larri 

gence on tl 

purchased -, 

of all, we ( 

for the com 

structed in i 

I divided 

self at the hi 

I left the mo 

Captain of J 

the Island o 

Sieur Dugud. 

had been, sini 

tario and the I 

raade, and in 

c'pal villages, 

i selected, as J 

so that acting 
i could confide 
and experience. 
I left Quebe< 
militiamen, ace 
rived at Montrc 
Orvilliers on th( 
hundred and fift 
Thus after havii 
of provisions, ir 
tlie scarcity of 
them in the ports 
to take the lead V 
troops, and ordei 
where I should j, 
encampment bey 
Jay, both brigad 





the Intendant to make out the detachments of Militia which 
should follow me to the war, without inconvenience to the Coun- 
try ; I arrived there on the tweuty-sixth, having used great dili- 
gence on the route, and found the people ordered and some canoes 
purchased ; but as they were not sufficient for the embarcation 
of all, we caused fifteen flat (bottomed) pine batteaux, suitable 
for the conveyance, each, of fourteen or fifteen men, to be con- 
structed in a hurry. » 

I divided all my small force into three divisions, I placed my- 
self at the head of the first which I commanded to lead the van. 
I left the management of the second to Mr. D'Orvilliers, antient 
Captain of Infantry ; the third being composed of troops from 
the Island of Montreal and the environs, was commanded by 
Sieur Dugu^, antient Captain of Carignan. Sieur D'Orvilliers 
had been, since the fore part of spring, reconnoitering Lake On- 
tario and the Seneca Country, to see where the descent should be 
made, and in what direction we should march to their two prin- 
cipal villages, of which he had made a faithful and exact plan. 
I selected, as Major of the Brigade which I commanded, Sieur 
de Villebon-Beccancour, formerly Captain of the King's Dragoons^ 
so that acting in my place, as I was obliged to have an eye to all, 
I could confide in him ; he succeeded with all possible diligence 
and experience. 

I left Quebec the ninth of July, at the head of Three hundred 
militiamen, accompanied by the said Sieur de Yillebon, and ar- 
rived at Montreal the sixteenth, where I was joined by Sieur D' 
Orvilliers on the twenty-first, who brought me, in addition to two 
hundred and fifty militia, batteaux to embark the King's troops. 
Thus after having issued every possible order for the conveyance 
of provisions, in which I had much difficulty in consequence of 
the scarcity of canoes and of experienced persons to conduct 
them in the portages of the Rapids, I detached Sieur de Villebon 
to take the lead with my brigade, and the two companies of King's 
troops, and ordered them to pass the first and second portages, 
where I should join them, so that on the thirtieth I passed their 
encampment beyond the said second portage, and we marched next 
day, both brigades together, Sieur D'Orvilliers bringing up the 




I -1 

rear with the third one day behind us, so that being, on the !•» 
of August in Lake St. Francis with about two hundred canoes 
and our fifteen batteaux, I was joined there by the Rev. Father 
Lamberville, Junior, coming on behalf of his Brother from On- 
ontagu^, and by the Rev. Father Millet, from the Oneidas. 

By the annexed letters from OnontagU^, you will learn that 
these people having been joined by the Oneidas andCayugas,had 
obliged the Senecas to make them Mediators as to the reparation 
suitable to be made to me for the insult which had unfortunately 
been committed against the French in the month of Marchj and 
prayed me to send Mr. le Moine to them, with whom they could 
terminate this affair. This obliged me immediately to despatch 
a canoe to Fort Frontenac in all haste, to send me from there the 
new bark which I had built in the winter, in order to freight her 
with the provisions I brought, and to stend the canoes in which 
they were loaded to fetch others from la Chine. 

We arrived, on the second, at the Portage of the Long Sault, 
which I found very difficult, notwithstanding the care I taken 
to send fifty men ahead thither, to cut the trees on the bank 
of the river and prevented those passing who Were to drag the 
canoes and batteaux; because the stream being voluminous and 
the bank precipitous the people were in the water the moment 
they abandoned the shore, and w^ere not strong enough to draw 
said batteaux ; this necessitated my sojourn at that place, where 
having been joined by the Christian Iroquois of the Sault and of 
Montreal, they undertook, for a few presents of Brandy and 
Tobaot^o, to pass the said batteaux and the largest canoes, which 
they fortunately accomplished in two days without ahy accident. 

On the morning of the fifth I found the new bark arrived at La 
Oalette where I had all the provisions discharged from the canoes 
before eight o'clock in the morning, and these despatched at the 
same time on their return to la Chine to reload there. The strong 
winds from the South West, which constantly prevailed all this 
time, and Tvhich obstinately continued during the remaindei^ of 
the month, were the cause of the great diligence that the bark had 
made, and likewise delayed our march so much, that I could not 
arrive, at the fort, with my canoes alone, until the ninth. I was 

} 1 



joined there by Father de Lamberville whom I despatched next 
day to his brother at Onnontague whom I instructed to assure 
those of that Nation that I had so much respect for their request 
and for those of the other two, that I should prefer their media- 
tion to war, provided they made me a reasonable satisfaction. 

Three things obliged me to adopt this resolution: the first, 
because it appeared by letters I had received from Colonel Don- 
gan, in answer to the message by the man named Bourbon, that 
he was very far from the good understanding of which His Ma- 
jesty had assured me ; but much disposed to interfere as our ene- 
my in this matter. The second, because I had few provisions, 
and I did not see that any effort was made to forward flour to me, 
with any diligence, from Montreal ; and the third, because the 
wind prevailed so strong from the South east, that my bark did 
not return from La Galette, and I could not despatch another to 
Lake Ontario, to notify the army of the South, which was to ar- 
rive forthwith at Niagara, of my arrival at Fort Frontenac with 
that of the North. 

I afterwards reviewed all our troops, as annexed, and Sieur le 
Moine having overtaken me on the same day with the remainder of 
the Christian Iroquois who had not previously arrived, I des- 
patched him on the sixteenth to Onnontague and placed in his 
hands, Tegancourt, the ambassador from the Senecas, whom I 
had arrested at Quebec. Seeing the wind always contrary I sent 
on the preceding day, eight of the largest canoes that I had to 
the bark at La Galette to bring me ten thousand weight of flour, 
bread beginning to fail which caused me a good deal of uneasi- 
ness and created considerable murmurs among the troops and the 
militia. Finally on the 21»* my canoes arrived with what I sent 
them for. I set to work immediately with all possible diligence 
to have bread and biscuit baked, and sent off forthwith, the 
King's troops, D'Orvilliers' and Dugue's two brigades, and two 
hundred Christian savages to encamp at La Famine [Hungry 
bay], a post favorable for fishing and hunting and four leagues 
from Onontagu^, so as to be nearer the enemy and to be able to 
refresh our troops by fishing and the chase, whilst we were short 

--, Ml ■ > 








of provisions, intending to join them, myself, with about three 
hundred Frenchmen whom I had remaining. 

On the 25^^ the canoes which I had detached from La Galette 
to Montreal, arrived, but in far less number than I had looked 
for, and brought me but eight or nine thousand weight of flour, 
instead of twenty thousand which I expected, having left them 
ready for loading when I departed. I caused bread and biscuit 
to be immediately made of it for the support of our troops who 
were at the place called La Famine. 

On the 27*'> at four o'clock in the afternoon, a canoe of M.. 
Lemoine's men arrived from Onnontagu6 with Tegancourt who 
reported to me, that the Onnontagu^s had received orders from 
Col. Dongan which he sent by the person named Arnaud, for- 
bidding them to enter into any treaty with me without his ex- 
press permission, considering them the Duke of York's subjects, 
and that he had caused the Arms of the said Duke to be planted 
three days before, in their village ; that the Council had been 
convened at the said place of Onontague and Sieur Lemoine invi- 
ted iv repair thither, in which the matter having been debated, 
these savages got into a furious rage, with some danger to the 
English delegate, saying they were free, and that God, who had 
created the Earth, had granted them theirs without subjecting 
them to any person, and they requested the elder Father Lamber- 
ville to write to Colonel Dongan the annexed letter, and the said 
Sieur Lemoine having well sustained the French interests, they 
unanimously resolved to start in two days, to conclude with me 
at La Famine. On the receipt of this news I immediately called 
out my canoes in order to depart and was accompanied by a dozen 
of others having caused six of the largest to be loaded with 
bread and biscuit for the army. <* ^ ^ a-t 

After having been beaten by bad weather and high wind, we 
arrived in two days at La Famine. I found there tertian and 
double tertian fever whi6h broke out among our people so that 
more than one hundred and fifty men were attacked by it j I had 
also left some of them at the fort, which caused me to despatch, 
on arriving, a Christian savage to Onontague to M Lemoihe, to 
request him to cause the instant departu. » of those who were to 

tome to 
&nd his ( 
of Septe 
three froi 
and whoE 
until the i 
ters were 
Brias spea 
daring to c 
to promise 
hundred fo( 
the evening 
tl»e next daj 
I was, indet 
augmented t 
enough of pc 
sides the scaj 
bread which 
I allowed 
without extin 
take possessic 
it and thereby 

On leaving 

Niagara to no 

toward Missili 

arrived only si 

™en, viz; one 


I departed o 

embarked befoi 

number of one 

and arrived in i 

where I found u 

left there, alrea 



come to meet me, which he did with so much diligence, though he 
and his children were sick, that he arrived as early as the third 
of September with fourteen Deputies j nine from Onnontague, 
three from Oneida and two Cayugas, who paid me their respects 
and whom I entertained the best manner I was able, postponing 
until the morrow morning the talk about business, at which mat- 
ters were fully discussed and peace concluded after six hours de- 
liberation, three in the morning and as many after dinner. Father 
Brias speaking for us and Hotrehonati and Garagonkier for the 
Iroquois; Tegancout, a Seneca present, the other Senecas not 
daring to come in order not to displease Col. Dongan, who sent 
to promise them a reinforcement of four hundred horse and four 
hundred foot, if we attacked them. The treaty was concluded in 
the evening Oi^^ he conditions annexed, and I promised to decamp 
the next day v, hdraw my troops from their vicinity ; which 

I was, indeed, ' Iged to do by the number of sick which had 
JBtugmented to such a degree that it was with difficulty I found 
enough of persons in health to remove the sick to the canoes, be- 
ades the scarcity of provisions having no more than the trifle of 
bread which I brought them. 

I allowed the Onontagues to light the Council fire at this post 
without extinguishing that at Montreal, in order to be entitled to 
take possession of it by their consent when the King should desire 
it and thereby exclude the English and Col. Dongan from their 
pretensions. ^' ^ a 

On leaving the Fort I had ordered one of the barks to go to 
ISiagara to notify the army of the South to return by Lake Erie 
toward Missilimakinack. She had a favorable passage ; found it 
arrived only six hours previously to the number of seven hundred 
men, viz : one hundred and fifty French and the remainder In- 

I departed on the sixth, having had all the sick of my troops 
embarked before day (so as not to be seen by the Indians) to the 
number of one hundred and fifty canoes and twelve flat batteaux 
and arrived in the evening of the same day at Fort Frontenac, 
where I found one hundred and ten men, of the number I had 
left there, already departed, all sick, for Montreal, and having 


I ' 





'; 7\ 



given the necessary orders as to the number of soldiers to be left 
there for the security of that post, until the arrival from France 
of Sieur de la Forest, Major thereof, I started, about nine or ten 
o'clock in the morning, on my return. Shortly after my depar- 
ture, the bark arrived from Niagara with some French officers of 
the army who brought me news from it at night, and assured me 
that the Chiefs of all the savages had accompanied them to the 
Fort, desirous to see me, and that they would visit me at Mon- 
treal, where I should await them. The Rev. Father de Lamber- 
yille Sen' came, likewise, with these Gentlemen on account of 
some difficulties which he was very glad to arrange for Onon- 
tague whither he returned. We worked some hours together y I 
then sent him back to the fort with some of the arrived French ; 
the others being desirous to leave and come down again into the 

After having waited some time for Mess^^" du Tast and de Ca« 
honet, to whom I gave one of my canoes and two of my atten- 
dants well acquainted with the navigation, to pilot their batteauz 
and troops in safety through the rapids, I resumed my journey 
down the river. I likewise took on board one of my canoes the 
Sieur Le Moine whose fever had seriously augmented, and who 
had served the King in this affair with so much zeal and affec- 
tion, aided by the intimate knowledge he had of the Iroquois 
language, that it may be said the entire Colony owe him a debt 
of eternal gratitude. 

Finally, in my return of three days I accomplished what cost us 
thirteen in ascending, and found in the stores at Montreal and la 
Chine, forty-five thousand weight of flour, which, had we received 
it, would have enabled us to have made a longer sojourn in the 
upper country. 

Done at Quebec the l«t day of October 1684. 

(•E Ff^BUHB Dfi LA 9A»», 

*' -i}^- 




the Sum 

called 1 


sents, no 

Iroquois '. 

!•' Wo 

ihe since 

truth of h 

I give y 


to dispel w 

treal and tl 

placed in 
truly, to do 
chet and r© 
2^ Word] 
strike the 
are his fathe 
3d Word, 
last year, ani 
which he to| 
that might 
dience to it,] 
robbery, andf 


no sense, anc 

acts of hoslill 

that ditch, asf 

restrain minej 

* Endorse 






U FAMINE, THE dtb 7ber 1684.*' 

[Frola the nite.] 

The Onnontagu6s, whose mediation between the French and 
the Senecas the General accepted) having repaired to a place 
called La Famine about ^ leagues from their country, Sieur 
Hateouati, who is the Orator of thiat Nation, spdce by fifteen pre- 
sents, not only on behalf of the Senecas, but also for the other 
Iroquois Nations. ' • ■ 

jat Word of the Iroquois. After having taken God to witneM 
the sincerity of his heart, and having assured Onontio of the 
truth of his words, he spoke in this wise : 

I give you a Beverage devoid of bitterness, to purify whatever 
inconvenience you may have experienced during the voyage, and 
to dispel whatever bad air you may have breathed between Mon* 
treal and this place. 

Answer of Onontio to the words of Hoteouati : — As I have 
placed in your hands the mediation 'v^ith the Senecas, I wish, 
truly, to do what you ask me. I, therefore, lay down my Hat- 
chet and refer to you to obtain a reasonable satisfaction. 

2^ Word. I remove the hatchet with which you threaten to 
strike the Senecas. Remember he is your child, and that jtm 
are his father. 

3<i Word. Mr. Lemoine, your ordinary envoy, having come 
last year, and speaking to us in your name, ctrt a deep ditch into 
which he told us you and we should cast all the unkind things 
that might occur ; I have not forgotten this word, and in ol^e- 
dience to it, I request you to throw into that ditch the Seneca 
robbery, and that it may disturb neither our country nor yours. 

Answer. That ditch is well cut, but as your young men have 
no sense, and as they may make this a pretext for committing 
acts of hostility anew, after having cast the Seneca robbery into 
that ditch, as you desire ; arrest, then, your young men, as I shall 

restrain mine. I cover it up forever. 

* Endorsed by the Minister, " These letters must be kept secret.'* 

. f. 



i^. -i 


' J 





4th Word. I set up again the tree of peace, which we planted 
at Montreal, in the conference yre had the honor to have with 
you last summer. 

Answer. It is not I who think of throwing it down : it is 
your nephews who have seriously shaken it. I strengthen it. 

5th Word. I exhort you. Father, to sustain it strongly, in or- 
der that nothing may shake it. 

6th Word. I again tie up {je rattache) the Sun which was 
altogether obscured : I dispel all the clouds and mists that con- 
cealed it from our view. 

7th Word. The robbery committed by the Senecas on your 
nephews, is not a sufficient motive to make war against them. 
Where has blood been shed? I promise you that satisfaction shall 
be afforded you for the loss the French have experienced by the 
pillage of their merchandize. 

Answer of Onontio. It is good that you promise me satisfac* 
tion : deceive me not. The first thing that I expect of you is, 
that you restore me the two prisoners of Etionnontat6 who art 
with the Seneca, and a third who remains at Cayuga. 

8th Word. Onontio, my father, I feel uneasy and cannot pluck 
up courage, whatever kindnesses you have the goodness to show 
me. What disquiets me, is to behold Soldiers, hear drums, etc. 
I pray you return to Quebec, so that your children may sleep in 

Answer. I depart to-morrow and quit this country, to show 
you what deference I pay to your demands. / 1 ■ 

gth Word. The fires of peace and the halls of our Councils 
were at Frontenac or at Montreal. The former is a poor country 
where the Grasshoppers prevent me sleeping, and the second is far 
away for our old men. I kindle the fires of peace on this spot, 
wlHch is the most agreable that we can select, where there is good 
fishing, hunting, &c. 

Answer. I accept the selection you have made of this place 
for our conferences, without, however, extinguishing the fire which 
I keep burning at Montreal. 

lO^Ji Word. Our warriors have, as well as our other chiefs, 
accepted the peace. I bear their words by this belt. ^ ' ' 

to you 
to caus 





12th Jj 

beaten, \^ 
who struc! 
acts of hos 
13th Wt 
we shall, b 
^ Answer. 
French wh 
of Fort St 
14th Wo 
Viators j am 

16th and 

of the Mour 

pie to Moii 

they do evei 

' Answer, 

tain who disi 


€rty to come 

The Gene; 

% the fir! 



^Answer. You need not doubt the obedience of my soldiers ; 
endeavour to make yourselves obeyed by your own. To prove 
to you that I maintain uphold the tree of peace) I sent to Niagara 
to cause the army to return which was coming from that di- 

IXth Word. You told us, last summer, to strike the enemy no 
more. We heard your voice. We shall not go to war again in 
that quarter. 

Answer. Remember that the Maskoutenek is brother to the 
Oumeami. Therefore strike neither the one nor the other. 

12ti> Word. He has killed some, this spring, in divers ren- 
counters, but as you bound my arms I allowed myself to be 
beaten, without defending myself. 

Answer. That's good ; you need not pursue the Oumeami 
who struck you ; I shall send him word not to commit any mor« 
acts of hostility. 

13^i> Word. Regarding the Illinois, I am at war with him \ 
we shall, both of us, die fighting. .-> ■ ' ) • ^ .;: 

Answer. Take heed, in firing at the Illinois, not to strike the 
French whom you meet on your path and in the neighbourhood 
of Fort St. Louis. 

14th Word. Restore to us the Missionaries whom you have 
withdrawn from our villages. 

Answer. They shall not be taken from you who are our me- 
diators ; and when the Senecas shall have commenced to give me 
satisfaction, they shall be restored to them as well as to the other 

15^11 and last Word. Prevent the Christians of the Satdt and 
of the Mountain coming any more among us, to seduce our peo- 
ple to Montreal ; let them cease to dismember our co'.mtry as 
they do every year. \'^^u;^. ,■-":-,, av^v' u: ^ ..;" ^ v^;';.'- > , •» tu-^jst^v- 
, Answer. It is not my children of the Sault nor of the Moun- 
tun who dismember your country ; it is yourselves who dismember 
it by your drunkenness and superstitions. Besides, there is full lib- 
erty to come and reside among us ; no person is retained by force. 

The General added two presents to the above. 

By the first he said : You see the consideration which I have 


f" i.'i '■': tfi 






fer the request you have made me. I ask you in return, if the 
Senecft, Cayvga or any other commit a similar insult against me, 
that you first give him some sense, and if he will not hear you, 
tilat you abandon him as one disaffected. 

By the last belt, he exhorted them to listen not to evil sayings, 
and told them to conduct Tegannehout back to Seneca and to 
iBfona these of tiis above conclusions. 


[From the same.] 

My Lord — I thought you would be impatient to learn the suc> 
6688 and result of the war the General had undertaken against 
the Iroquois which rendered it necessary for him to call 
a part of the people of this country together and make all neces' 
sary preparation, at his Miajesty's expense, for this expedition. 
The troops have been as far as a place called La Famine, thirty 
leagues beyond Fort Frontenac. The army consisted of nine 
hundred French and three hundred Savages, and from the Nia- 
gara side there was another army of six hundred men, one third 
of whom were French and the remainder Ottawas and HuJ'Ons, 
amounting in all to eighteen hundred men. 

What Indians there were evinced the best disposition to fight 
the Iroquois to the death, ^eur de la Durantaye who broi^ht 
the last six hundred men from Missilimakinak, has informed ui 
that he learned from a Miami Chief that more than a thousand 
Illinois were coming to our aid on learning that we were about to 
fight the Iroquois, to such a degree are they their irreconcileable 
eaeales. Certainly, never was there remarked a better disposi- 
tion to fight and conquer them and purge the country of that na- 
tion which will be eternally our enemy. All the French breathed 
nothing but war, and though they saw themselves obliged to 
abandon their families, they consoled themselves with the hope 
oi liberating them by one victory from a nation so odious a* 
the Iroquois, at whose hands they constantly dreaded ambushes 
aBd_ diestrudtion. But the General did not think proper to 

push ma 

Le Moyr 

every on( 

was mad( 

ter variou 

neral con( 

I take the 


This pe 

the comms 

have testifi 

for the Ge 

evincing it 

ever so litl 

his return, 

have risen i 


The said 
says that th 
swer, being 
to every ex 
blame on m 
'Tis certa 
Militia whic 
perfect goot 
for a fortnig 
surprizing tl 
Famine in p 
by swamps, 
in his army 
havfe saved a 
did not care, 
he made no 
his negociati( 
said Iroquois 
Montreal, fo 
La Famine, 



push matters any farther, and without any necessity sent Sietir 
Le Moyne to the said Iroquois to treat of peace at a time when 
every one was in good health, and when all necessary provision 
was made of food, &c. to dare every enterprize ; and finally af- 
ter various comings and goings on one side and the other, the Oe> 
neral concluded peace such as you will see by the articles which 
I take the liberty to send you as written by the hand of his Se- 

This peace, my Lord, has astonished all the Officers who had 
the command in that army and all those who composed it, who 
have testified so deep a displeasure and so sovereign a contempt 
for the GeneraPs person that they could not prevent themselves 
evincing it to him. I assure you, my Lord, that had I strayed 
ever so little from my duty and not exhibited exteriorly, since 
his return, the respect I owe his character, the whole world would 
have risen against him and would have been guilty of some ex- 

' The said General excuses himself because of the sick and even 
says that the troops lacked food j to which I feel obliged to an- 
swer, being certain that he seeks every pretext and has recourse 
to every expedient to exculpate himself and perhaps to put the 
blame on me. 

'Tis certain that there was a great number of sick among the 
Militia which he took with him to Fort Frontenac, who were in 
perfect good health on arriving there, but having encamped them 
for a fortnight in prairies between the woods and^a pond, it is not 
surprizing that some fell sick. Again he made them camp at La 
Famine in places that were never inhabited, entirely surrounded 
by swamps, which contributed still considerably to the sickness 
in his army ; and had he remained there longer he would not 
havfe saved a man. This has caused every one to say that be 
did not care, that he had not the least desire to make war ; that 
he made no use of his long sojourns except employing them in 
his negociations. Had he seriously wished to make war on the 
said Iroquois he would not have remained ten to twelve days at 
Montreal, fourteen or fifteen at Fort Frontenac and as many at 
La Famine, but would have remained merely a day or two, and 

#<« 1 

1 % 

rf I 

W- ■;:;■ 

.5! ■ 

■;i •■■; 


I i 'M 



would have used the greatest despatch to fight the Iroquois, and 
not uselessly consumed all his provisions ; he Avould have, indu- 
bitably surprised the said Iroquois who did not expect this war, 
especially as the greater number of their young men had been at 
war in the beginning of the spring. 

He says he lacked provisions ; though that were true, he would 
be the cause arid could not but accuse himself of imprudence, 
having supplied him, generally, with whatever he required of me, 
of which the whole country is a witness, and with a little pre- 
caution or rather good faith he would have had every thing in 
abundance. He had determined not to |eave until the 15*'> of 
August ; he departed on the 16''' July. That did not prevent 
me furnishing all that he required of me, such as batteaux, ca- 
noes, arms, ammunition, and all the provision he desired. This 
is so true that there yet remained at the end of the island of Mon- 
treal, at a place called La Chine thirty-five thousand weight of 
flour and five of biscuit which he found on his return, and which 
he had requested me to retain for him at Montreal. Had he not 
halted and had he been disposed to push into the Iroquois Coun- 
try, the first convoy of provisions which accompanied him had 
sufficed, the greater number of the militia, unwilling to wait for 
the King's supplies having laid in tbeir own private stock, the 
greater part of which they brought back with them, which all the 
Captains in command will certify. This convoy consisted of 
eighteen canoes full of biscuit, pork, brandy and apparently other 
things which I do not precisely know having been loaded at Mont- 
real whilst I was at Quebec where I issued orders for the provi- 
sions that the General had demanded of me and for attending 
to the harvest of those who had gone to the war. 

If it had been the General's design to make war, he should 
not have caused the cargoes of the eighteen canoes I have men- 
tioned to be put into barks thirty leagues from Montreal above 
the Rapids, instead of letting the voyage be continued by the 
canoemen who were paid to go to Fort Frontenac and who had 
already accomplished the roughest half of the road, and who, 
without a doubt, would have arrived in three days at the Fort, 
which was represented to him by all the officers who stated to 

him th 

keep th 

to be tri 

sisted I] 

Some ha 

laden wi 

, circumsti 

the cano 


of these ( 

king's ex 


to make u! 

'^'"ng is ni 

der. It is 

he has cans 
''^hich I ha 
the honour 
had the saic 
tain time an 
quois, as h 
hrave man a 
openly that 
the Fort, ar 
* portion of 
convoys havi 
always waste 
After the s 
war, he sent 
^r against t 
a»d,- which h 
the said Boui 
Dished that h 
having insulte 
■hould not ha^ 
an interest in 



him that the barks required wind which being contrary would 
keep them more than three weeks from arriving. This turned out 
to be true. Notwithstanding all these reasons he absolutely in- 
sisted that all the said provisions should be put in the barks. 
Some have assured me that the canoes of said convoy were partly 
laden with merchandize, and not being very desirous to let the 
circumstance be known, he had caused the said barks to precede 
the canoes to put the goods secretly into them and keep the 
knowledge of it from every body. By these means he made use 
of these canoes to convey these merchandizes to the Fort at the 
King's expense, which he has always practised for t'vo years, ever 
pretending certain necessity to transport munitions of war, and 
to make use, by this means, of the conveyances for which the 
King is made to pay, under pretext to keep the Fort in good or- 
der. It is impossible to conceive the quantity of Brandy that 
he has caused to be conveyed thither during eighteen months, of 
which I have had most positive information, and of which I had 
the honour to advise you in my last. Others supposed that he 
had the said provisions put on board those barks in order to ob- 
tain time and by this address, to negotiate a peace with the Iro- 
quois, as he had sent Sieur Le Moyne to them who is a very 
brave man and who despaired of all these negotiations, stating 
openly that they ought to be whipt. All the delays at Montreal, 
the Fort, and at La Famine caused the useless consumption of 
a portion of the supplies which, however, did not fail ; other 
convoys having been received from time to time, but these were 
always wasted without any thing having been done. 

After the said General had determined in his own mind on this 
war, he sent the man nnmed Bourbon, an inhabitant of this coun- 
try to Colonel Dongan to advise him that he was obliged to wage 
war against the Iroquois, requesting him not to afford them anj 
aid; which he confided to me eight days after the departure of 
the said Bourbon. This obligetl me to tell him that I was asto- 
nished that he should have thus proceeded ; that the Iroquois 
having insulted us and intending to fight with and destroy them, I 
should not have deemed it proper to inform neighbours who have 
an interest in our destruction j and that he afforded thereby an op- 






portunity toCol. Dongan,who is an Englishman, and consequent- 
ly our born enemy, to give underhand information of our designs 
to the Iroquois, and convey secretly to them all that may be ne- 
cessary for their defence against us. I asked him if he did not 
perceive that the English would never desire our advantage, and 
that they would contribute all in their power to destroy us, though 
at peace as regards France j that they would always be jealous 
of the Fur trade prosecuted by us in this Country, which would 
make them protect the Iroquois always against us. 

This Bourbon negotiation gave Colonel Dongan occasion to 
use some rhodomontade as the General has informed me ; and 
this assuredly it was that obliged him, having this information, to 
send an Englishman, who is in the habit of trading among the 
said Indians, to plant the Duke of York's arms among the On- 
nontagu^s, which is an Iroquois village, wishing by that act to 
take the first possession of the Country. We have not heard 
talk of any other movement on the English side, and it is even 
certain that they will never cause us any dread from that quarter 
and that they could not prevent us to achieve that conquest this 
year, had the General been willing to fight. 

You can hardly believe, my Lord, that the General has, alone, 
undertaken the war without having consulted any person, neither 
officers of the army nor gentlemen, nor the people of the country 
who are the most interested, nor any individual whosoever he 
might be, except Sier de la Chesnayne, with whom he acts in 
concert for the entire destruction and ruin of the country. He 
has again made peace in this manner without any communication 
with any of the officers or others of those who were near his 
person. What seems a wonder in the country is that one indi- 
vidual, subject of his Majesty like others, should, of his own will, 
make war and peace without having consulted or demanded the 
opinion of any person. His Majesty never acted thus. He has 
his Council of War, and when he is about to wage it, he demands 
advice of those of his council, in communicating to them the 
reasons which he may have to do so, and even causes the publi- 
cation of manifests throughout the Kingdom, wishing to commu- 
nicate to his people the justice of his undertakings. But the 

quois, I 
who wei 
would a 
to make 

The sa 
war agair 
all they ai 
instead of 
to come a 
Jet them ts 
merely a g, 
^ Grandi 
miserable i 
manner, wl 
the honour 
you. Thej 
abandons th 
tablish hims 
the Iroquois 
Sieur de la 
General tool 
whom the sa 
whither he s( 
is still there. 
When he 
letter eight d{ 
its intentions, 
our allies, anc 
ny or some p 
tion. I consii 
the General q, 
without taking 



General has trcaicd of peace, like a sovereign, with the said Iro- 
quois, having employed none of those \\ho were nigh him and 
who were acquainted with the Iroquois tongue, except as Inter- 
prfteis. He dare not consult the officers, being certain that they 
would all have concluded on warj and but little was necessary 
to make them select a chief from among themselves to attack the 

The said General proceeds at the bead of a small force to makt 
war against the Iroquois, and far from doing that, he grant them 
all they ask. His principul design was to attack the Seneo i,but; 
instead of showing him any civility, they did not even condescend 
to come and meet lum, and gave an insolent answer to those who 
proposed it to them. If people had any thing to say to them, 
let them take the trouble and come and meet them. There camo 
altogether on this embassy only a certain sycophant who seeks 
merely a good dinner, and a real buffoon called among the French ' 
la Grande Gueuie [Big Throat,] accompanied by eight or ten 
miserable lellows who fooled the General in a most shameful 
manner, which you will perceive by the articles of peace I hare 
the honour to send you, and which I doubt not he also will send 
you. They will assuredly excite your pity. You will see he 
abandons the Illinois among whom M. de la Salle is about to ct" 
tablish himself and who are the cause of this war, inasmuch ai 
the Iroquois attacked them even in Fort St. Louis which the laid 
Sieur de la Salle had erected among them, and of which the 
General took possession, having ousted and driven awr y ''iose 
whom the said Sieur de la Salle had left in command there, and 
whither he sent Sieur de Bangy his lieutenant of the guards, who 
is still there. ■■•^■ 

When he concluded this peace he already h::d His Majesty's 
letter eight days in his possession, but so far from conforming to 
its intentions, he consents to the slaught* r of the Illinois who are 
our allies, and where His Majesty designed to plant a new Colo- 
ny or some powerful establishment under M. de la Salle's direc- 
tion. I consider it also my duty to inform your Lordship that 
the General quit La Famine the moment the peace was concluded 
without taking the least care of the troops, abandoning them at- 






f I' 

together to their own guidance, forbidding them on pain of death 
to leave the place until a long time after him, fearing to be sur- 
prised by the Iroquois, and having (so to say) lost his wits, caring 
little what became of the army. Certain it is that he went up to 
the Fort without taking information about any thing and returned 
in the same manner. 

The worst of this affair is the loss of the trade which I find in- 
evitable, because the Outawas and other Savages who came to our 
aid will hereafter entertain no respect for us, and will regard us as 
a people without courage and without resolution. I doubt not, my 
lord, but the General sends you a letter which he received from 
Father Lsjnberville, Jesuit, who is a missionary in an Iroquois 
village at Onnontagu^, whence those ambassadors came with whom 
peace was negotiated. The Father, who had learned the Gene- 
ral^s intentions from Sieur Le Moyne, has been wise and sufficient- 
ly discreet, anticipating his design, to write to him in accordance 
with his views, and to ingeniously solicit that which must flatter 
and highly please him. But one thing, is certain that all the Je- 
suits at Quebec, and particularly Father Bechefer have openly 
stated in Quebec for six weeks, that the country was destroyed if 
peace were concluded ; which is so true, that having communi- 
cated to him the two letters I wrote to the General, he highly ap- 
proved of them aad advised me to send them to the fort. I shall 
take leave to send you copies of them, requesting you very re- 
spectfully, to be persuaded that I speak to you without passion, 
and that I state nothing to you but what is most true and reliable, 
and because I feel obliged to let you know the truth as regards all 
things, without which you will never have the least confidence in 
SM. ■* 

I should wish, my Lord, to avoid explaining myself in this 
manner, fearing you might infer that we were, the General and I, 
greatly disunited, which is quite contrary to the manner in which 
we live together, since it is certain that we never had, personally, 
the least difference wishing in that to conform myself to your 
wishes and His Majesty's orders, aware that it is the most assured 
means that I can take to be agreeable to you, which is the sole 
ambition I have in the world, and to prove to you that no per- 

son can ] 
than I J n 

This, n 
what has 
parture oi 


Sir,--A ^ 
at which it 
Senecas tha 
not to aid ti 
or some otht 
'ing embroile 
Did affairs 
thoughts on 
when he will 
who have bet 
this is the rea 
disposed to 
an infinitude { 
not whether 
peace, I wish 
draw, if possil 
that I deceive( 
and other nati( 
you who are tl 
with them. 

They ackno\ 
account of theii 

.' '!l 



son can be with more profound respect and greater devotedness 
than I, my Lord, 

Your very humble and very ob: serv*. 
This, my Lord, is only incidentally. I defer informing you of 
what has occurred in this country during this year, until the de- 
parture of the vessels. . ' r ' 
Quebec, the lOth Sber 1684. 




\W.'i • • V !,.;;':. [Onondaga,] July 10, 1684. 

Sir, — A general Assembly of all the Iroquois will be held here 
at which it is intended to unite against you, and to inform the 
Senecas that you wish to persuade the four Iroquois Nations 
not to aid them in case of war. I am surprised that M. Le Moyne 
or some other persons have not told you that all the villages were 
confederated, and that one could not be attacked without becom- 
ing embroiled with the others. 

Did affairs permit, I should have much wished to tell you my 
thoughts on many things. My brother will inform you of all 
when he will have the honor to see you. The On[non]tagu6B 
who have been spoken to,' would like much to settle matters ; 
this is the reason my brother goes to you, whilst I still keep them 
disposed to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid if possible 
an infinitude of evils which will overtake Canada, and as I know 
not whether you desire war without listening to proposals for 
peace, I wish to understand whether it is not fitter that I with- 
draw, if possible, rather than give occasion to the Iroquois to say 
that I deceived them, by propositions for peace. The Onontagu^s 
and other nations say, that it grieves them to take up arms against 
you who are their neighbour, and who form almost one country 
with them. 

They acknowledge that the Senecas are proud and insolent on 
account of their great number of warriors, but if you are desirous 

i > 

ft '*:a ■ 


|.i4 ,1 i, 

ly.', ■ ' 


I- : 

r* ■■-*' 




DE LA barge's expedition 

to maintain peace by some satisfaction which they will induce the 
Senecas to make you, it will be very acceptable, so as not to 
be obliged to come to extremities which will be very disastrous. 
If war occurs, Sir, all those who have houses apart from fortified 
places must at once abandon their dwellings, for the grain and 
the houses will be burned, and many will otherwise be brought 
away prisoners to be cruelly tormented and insulted. I always 
think that peace ought to be most precious to you, and that all 
the advantages that can be held out ought to cause you to shrink 
from war. A delay in order to arrange every thing more at lei- 
sure and after having received assistance from France, would ex- 
tricate you from much embarrassment which will follow from all 
sides. Pardon me if I give free expression to my thoughts ; you 
will not at least disapprove of the zeal with w*^'' I am with much 
respect and submission 

Your very humble and 
1 Very Obedient Servant 

' « i, (Signed) DeLamberville. 


11 July 1684. 

Sir, — A troop of Senecas on their way to buy their supplies 
tnd munitions of powder, lead, and arms are two days [distance] 
frcMn here. They are expected in order to talk fully of affairs and 
to endeavour for the preservation peace to induce them to give you 
satisfaction. I believe if j ou are really desirous to come to an 
arrangement in which an effort will be made to satisfy you, and 
wherein will be prescribed the boundaries of war and trade, you 
would have leisure to provide with less trouble and embarrass- 
ment for the security of Canada, either by erecting forts at La 
Famine or towards the Senecas under the pretext of establishing 
a blacksmith, or at La Galette according as you think proper. 

I do not believe that you will derive any advantage this year 
from war, if you wage it ; for not only will almost the whole of 
the Iroquois prosecute the war in Canada, but you will not find 

the Senet 
shut then 
pare ambi 
tion to thi 
Senecas, t 
elude to I( 
consent of 
grain, and 
and old me 

The War 
«ble being 
Wpod and n 
French grai 
French sett]< 
doned and t 
wise, tl ey ^. 
»f you begin i 
those in Cans 
Tihe Iroquois 
^r, for he V 
himself up ,„ 
are uDder the 
faiown forests 
captured, hav 
Merilande and 
ges, wholly un 
"» this country 
then see all ar 
*h»ng must be - 
can not believe 
would, possiblj 
^ges make the 
they say, that tl 
and eaten J anc 
is salt on accoui 
of their other cii 



the Senecas in their villages, in which they give out they will not 
shut themselves up, but conceal themselves, in the grass and pre- 
pare ambuscades every where for you. Regarding your declara- 
tion to the Iroquois that you had no ill will except c^ainst the 
Senecas, they convoked a general Diet here where they will con- 
clude to league themselves against you, if you will not accept the 
propositions of peace for which the Onnontagu^ wishes to obtain the 
consent of the Seneca who has already placed in security the old 
grain, and made a retreat in the woods for the childreoi, women 
and old men, of which you will be ignorant. 

The Warriors are to prowl every where, killing without if pos- 
sible being killed. If their Indian corn be cut, it will cost much 
bipod and men — ^You must also resolve to lose the iharvest of the 
French grain to which the Iroquois will set fire. As for the 
French settlements, the Iroquois suppose tibat they are all aban- 
doned and that the people have retired within the forts ; other- 
wise, tley would be a prey to the enemy. It is the opinion that 
if you begin the war, it will be of long duration, and that toleed 
those in Canada you will have to bring provisions from France. 
The Iroquois believes that he will destroy the Colony in ease of 
war, for he will never fight by rule against us and wiH not shut 
himself up in any fort in which he might be stormed. Thus diej 
are uuder the impression that, no person daring to come into un- 
known forests to pursue them, they can neither be destroyed nor 
captured, having a vast hunting ground in their rear, towards 
Merilande and Virginia, as well as places adjoining their villa- 
ges, wholly unknown to the French. If winter were not so cold 
in this country, that would be the time to wage war, for one can 
then see all around, and the trail cannot be concealed ; but every 
thing must be carried — provisions, arms, powder, and lead. You 
can not believe. Sir, with what joy the Senecas learned that you 
would, possibly, determine on war ; and from the report the sa- 
vages make them of the preparations apparent at Kataroskouy, 
they say, that the French have a great desire to be stript, roasted 
and eaten ; and that they will see if their flesh, which they say 
is salt on account of the salt they make use of be as good as that 
of their other enemies whom they devour. 



im s ■'; ; 'i 


I .» 


Jl 1: : 



The envoy of the Governor of New York who is here promises 
the Iroquois goods at a considerable reduction ; 7 a 8 lbs. of pow 
der for a Beaver ; as much lead as a man can carry for a Beaver, 
and so with the rest. 

Every thing considered, Sir, if you will be content with a sat- 
isfaction which we will endeavor to obtain for you from the Se- 
necas, you will prevent great evils which must fall on Canada in 
case of war ; you will divert from it famine and many misfor- 
tunes, especially will you avoid much confusion and great suffer- 
ing to the French who will fall into the hands of the Iroquois, 
who, as you are aware, exercise the most cruel and shameful 
cruelties towards their captives. Independent of there being no 
profit in fighting with this sort of banditti whom you, assuredly, 
will not catch and who will catch many of your people who will 
be surprised in every quarter. 

The man called Hannatakta and some others of influence told 
me they pitied you. These are their words — they besought you not 
to force them to wage war against you ; that the five Nations would 
be obliged to unite against you j that the French and the Iroquois 
being so near the one to the other, the war would be too disas- 
trous to you, because, say they, our mode of fighting, of haras- 
sing, of living, of surprizing and flying to the woods will be the 
ruin of the French who are accustomed to fight against towns 
capable of defence or against armies who appear in the plains ; if 
there be misunderstanding it ought to be settled. All the Iro- 
quois are persuaded that before going to war you will try the 
ways of mildness and tell the Senecas to appease your anger for 
what they have plundered j that if you begin by a desire to wage 
war and will not act as a father towards your children, they have 
already declared beforehand that they will all unite against you. 



;.:' Hn <r^ * 


who pass 
be persuai 
them, not 
turn away 
it) especial 
bj all the 1 
necas, I ha 
faction accc 
your deputi) 
are expected 
two Lower 1 
The Senec 
that you woi 
oW grain, pr 
security of tl 
whatever thej 
in great numH 
determined to] 
^iJl not shut 
trees, and in 
ble injury, if] 
ness^^sl, to I 
theirs, except 
^^^yBsk, cut 
must satisfy (hJ 
Further, J, ]] 
to the Senecas f 
the French wh] 
should follow 
arrange the diL 
and this is what! 





July 13. 1684. 

My Lord — I have the honor to write to you by Father Millet 
who passes here in retiring from among the Iroquois who cannot 
be persuaded that you have determined on waging war against 
them, not having demanded any satisfaction of them for the 
merchandize of the Frenchmen whom the Senecas plundered. To 
turn away the scourge of war and the miseries which must follow 
it, especially among the French who will find themselves attacked 
by all the Iroquois if any hostile act is committed against the Se- 
necas, I have strongly urged the Onnontagues to give you satis- 
faction according to the instructions which the Christian Iroquois, 
your deputies here, had. To-morrow a great number of Senecas 
are expected with several Cayugas and the Ambassadors from the 
two Lower Nations to talk about business. 

The Senecas consequent on the declaration you made to them 
that you would proceed to their country, have concealed their 
old grain, prepared a distant retreat in the wooden fort for the 
security of their old men, women and children, and conveyed 
whatever they have of value out of their villages. The Warriors 
in great number have heard thi:: news with much joy j they are 
determined to fight, not in their forts for they have none, and 
will not shut themselves up any where, but under cover, behind 
trees, and in the grass where they will try to do you considera- 
ble injury, if you want war. The Onnontagues — men of busi- 
ness — wish to arrange matters, especially having lost nothing of 
theirs, except only some goods. Must the father and children, 
they ask, cut each others throats for clothes ? The children 
must satisfy the father to whom they owe honor and respect. 

Further, I, last year, guarantied by two Wampum belts — one 
to the Senecas and the other here — that if the Iroquois army met 
the French who were towards Illinois, and any acts of hostility 
should follow on one side or the other, they would mutually 
arrange the difficulty without it leading to any consequences, 
and this is what we are endeavoring to persuade the Senecas to 




il ' 


f ^i" ? ^ 






\^ i 

do. Father Millet, to whom I communicated all, and who has 
just passed, will tell you every thing and how apropos it would 
be that M. le Moine should come here to fetch those Chiefs and 
Warriors who will most willingly meet you under the safe con- 
duct which you will give them through M. le Moine (who can 
come here in all surety and without any fear) to be conducte4 \Q 
your rendezvous near Seneca or to the Fort, in order to 9ett}e 
matters in a friendly manner. 

The Iroquois say they will not commit any act of hosj^Utjr 
against you, unless you commence either by attacking the Senecas 
or by refusing all satisfaction, for they remark^ i^ is painful to 
come to blows with their Father. They all say that their rno^e 
of warfare will be disastrous to you, but that the respect they 
entertain towards you, and which we insinuate anxong them, 
withholds them \intil they are forced, they add, to a sor- 
rowful war, despite themselves, against you. They wish, 6rst of 
all, they say, to avoid the reproach of npt having kept their 
word which they gave. I told M. le Moine of the above. 

My brother expects to leave with yoi^r deputies to cfurry to yqu 
the result of the Iroquois Diet, where ti^ OnnontaguS who as- 
sumes to be a moderator, pretends to force tlw Senec«s to disa- 
vow what two of their captains caused their waririors ito do, and 
to quieten again your mind ; that is, they say, by some satisfac- 
tion which may afford you an honorable pretext to pay a friendly 
visit to Eaniatarontagouat [now, Irondequot il3ay] apd WQt to ap- 
pear there as an enemy. 

I forgot to inform you that the Iroquois say they have accepted 
the satisfaction they received for the death of their captain, Hana- 
henhax, killed by the Kiskakous, and that it would seem very 
strange to them that you should refuse the satisfaction, they wish 
to induce the Senecas to give you for the pillaged merchandize 
which, in their estimation is next to nothing compared with that 
important [council] fire in your children's cabin. I pray God 
that He conduct matters for His glory and the country's good and 
that He preserve you long, which is the wish, my Lord, of 
Your very humble &. very ob* Serv*, 



Sr— 1 
held on tj 
I enclose 
what they 
made you 
and Warri 
Belts and l 
These ar 
I know not 
Cause satisf 
fatigues, th 
war, and pr 
necas inforn 
you more si 
through resp, 
^miamis, U 
insist on it. 
good peace. 
<J'ng blood, e 
would have b< 
The Onnon 
meeting, and 
the Senecas tol 
the first day ofl 
and the plenip? 
gained nothing] 
willingly accepj 
and they had ml 
that the chiefs s 
obstinacy of the 
^ayugas over to, 
of affairs and to] 

TO BONOllT Bit. 



18 Jttljr, 168«. 

Sir — ^The Council convoked at OnnontaguS was, at length, 
held on the 16'>> and 17^^ of July. You will see by the memoir 
I enclose in this letter what you said to the Onnontagu^s and 
what they reply by three Belts. Since you spoke, or I have 
made you speak to the Senecas assembled here in a body, Chiefs 
and Warriors, and their answer, we have spoken to them by three 
Belts and they have answered you by nine. 

These are twehe Belts which your ambassadors take to you. 
I know not if you will accept the trifling pains we have taken to 
Couse satisfaction to be given you, and to extricate you from the 
fatigues, the embarrassments and consequences of a disastrous 
war, and procure at the same time freedom of trade ; for the Se- 
necas informed me at night, by express, that they would give 
you more satisfaction than you expected, because they wished 
through respect for you, not to wage war any more against the 
Oumiamis, if you so wish it, and even any other nation if you 
insist on it. In fine, they do not wage war save but to secure a 
good peace. They return without striking a blow, without shed- 
ding blood, etc. The Seneca Iroquois offer you more than you 
would have believed. 

The Onnontagu^s considered their honour engaged to this 
meeting, and have put all sorts of machinery in motion to induce 
the Senecas to condescend to place their affairs in their hands. On 
the first day of the Council every thing was almost despaired of, 
and the plenipotentiaries all excited came to see me, saying they 
gained nothing on the Senecas, and that up to that time they most 
willingly accepted war ; that they rejected the presents which you 
and they had made them. They sent me ba'ck a collection of belts, 
that the chiefs and warriors acted with great zeal in combatting tAe 
obstinacy of the Senecas so that having gained the Oneidas and 
Cayugas over to to their side, they came to high words. Deputies, 
notwithstanding, succeeded one another to sound me on the state 
of Affairs and to learn the true cause of the withdrawal of our Mis- 




sionaries. Finally I told them that the real cause was, that the 
displeasure which they perceived you felt, and which they also en- 
tertained at bemg disparaged by the Senecas, had caused them to 
withdraw to you, until they should have satisfied you. At length 
the Onnontagu^s persuaded them to confide in them and to place 
their affairs in their hands — ^that if you did not accept their media- 
tion, they should unite according to their policy, with all the other 
Iroquois against you. La Grande Gueule and his triumvirate have 
assuredly signalized themselves in this rencounter. My brother, 
who will inform you of every thing, will relate matters more in de- 
tail. We, however, await your orders which you will please con- 
vey to us by M. le Moine whom the Onnontagu^s request you to 
send instantly to them at Choueguen [Oswego] in all security and 
without the least fear. 


^ Onontagu6, this 17th August, 1684. 

My Lord — ^Your people have brought my brother back here 
with the greatest possible diligence, having been wind bound 
three days, at one island. In order not to cause you any delay, 
which could only produce a useless consumption of provisions 
by your army, they arrived here with Sieur le Due at midnight 
and having passed the rest of the night in conferring together, 
we had the Chiefs and Warriors assembled at day light after hav- 
ing obtained information from La Grande Gueule and Gara- 

' We declared our intentions in the presence of several Senecas 
who departed the same day to return to their country where they 
will communicate our approach. They carry one of your belts 
to reassure those who are alarmed by your armament. The On- 
n^ntagu^^s have despatched some of theirs to notify the Oneida, the 
Mohawk and the Cayuga to repair to Ochouegen [Oswego] to salute 
you and to reply to your proposals. They wish so much to see 
M. le Moine here whom you promised them would come, that it 
appears that nothing could be done should he not arrive. Also, 

as you a 
and Gei 
prised w 

I gave 

I do not ] 

vised you 

of protect 

villages, a 

drunken n 

remains bi 

attached. ' 

J gave L 

to him the l 

self your be 

you this hoc, 

the Iroquois 

The over 

good as to t 

means to gai 

'>Ie peace wil 

uncertain as 

Merchants ms 

the Iroquois t 

very prejudici 



^^y Lord— J 
masters who hd 
'•ave promised 




as you advised them not to be troubled at the sight of your barks 
and Gendarmes, they give you notice, likewise, not to be sur- 
prised when you will see faces painted red and black at Ochou- 
egen, '' • 

I gave a Cayuga letters for you some eight or tPti days ago. 
I do not know if he will have delivered them. I believe I ad- 
vised you that Colonel Dongan had the Duke of York's placards 
of protection {des sauvegardes) affixed to the three upper Iroquois 
villages, and that he styled himself Lord of the Iroquob. A 
drunken man here tore these proclamations down and nothing 
remains but the post to which the Duke of York's arms were 
attached. "■•. 'i.--w,^. ;.•;,■: : i\^.'7>■^^( 

I gave La Grande Gueule your belt under hand, and remarked 
to him the things which you wish him to effect. He calls him- 
self your best friend and you have done well to have attached to 
you this hocy who has the strongest head and loudest voice among 
the Iroquois. 

The over coats {capots) and shirts which you have been so 
good as to send to be used on occasions are a most efficacious 
means to gain over, or to preserve public opinion. An honora- 
ble peace will be mora advantageous to Canada than a war vry 
uncertain as to its success. I am of opinion, whatever Mess" the 
Merchants may say, that you do them a good turn by inducing 
the Iroquois to give you satisfaction, and that the war would be 
very prejudicial to them. ...... .... 

I am with all sort of respect and submission, ' ' '' 
My Lord, 

Your very humble and very obedient servant, 

J. DE Lamberville, Jesuit. 


Sif. i^ 


w ■ 


Oimontagtt£, thii 28th of August 1684. 
My Lord — ^M. le Moine's arrival has much pleased our burgo- 
masters who have exhibited towards him many attentions, and 
have promised to terminate matters with you in the manner you 





1.1 * 

'■:\ ■> i- 

denre. The Onnontagu^s have called the Deputies of each Na- 
tion together as I have advised you. The Cayugas came here the 
first) with two young Tionnoutat<Ss to restore them to you. We 
expect the Senecas, and as we were hoping that the Oneidas would 
arrive to-day, one Arnaud,' whom Father Bruyas is well acquaint- 
ed with, came here on horseback from Mr. Dongan to tell th« 
Iroquois that he did not wish them to talk with you without his 
permission, being complete master of their land and conduct 
towards you ; that they belonged to the King of England and the 
Duke of York, and that their Council fires were lighted at Albany 
and that he absolutely forbad them talking with you. 

Two words which we whispered in the ears of your pensioner, 
La Grande Gueule, caused us to see at once how unreasonable, in 
his opinion, was so itrange a proceeding as that of Mr. Dongan, 
afber having himself exhorted the Iroquois to give us satisfaction 
in order to avoid a disastrous war which would have very bad 
[consequences. | When M. le Moine and I shall have the honour 
to see you, we shall give you the particulars of these things, and 
how La Grande Gueule came to high words against this Messenger, 
exhorting all the warriors and chiefs not to listen to the proposals 
of a man who seemed to be drunk, so opposed to all reason was 
what he uttered. 

We being two or three days' journey from here, the said Mes- 
senger produced three Belts of Wampum. The first and second 
are from the Mohawks and Oneidas, who have promised Mr. Don- 
gan that they should not go to meet us ; the third was for. the 
Onnontagu^s to exhort them to give their wampum belt also, as 
assurance of the same thing. They answered by La Grande 
Gueule, that they esteemed themselves too highly honored by your 
having granted them the embassy of M. le Moine and by your 
having placed the affairs of the peace in their hands, to commit 
so cowardly an action and so grave a fault as that which he seemed 

' Arnold Cornelis* Viele, a citizen of Albany, who acted as Interpreter be> 
tw«enthe Whites and Indians. For his service in this capacity ho had already 
obtained from the latter, 26<>> Sept'. 1683, a tract of land called Wachkecrhoha, 
on the nurth bank of the Mohawk above Schenectady, the grant of which is is 
Alb: Deed Book C, 199.— Tt. 

willing 1 


M. leM 

gan wis! 

if he wo 

to learn ] 

. ning not t 

tirely whi 

^<i^ wait s( 

are, and k 

your instn 


in an exce] 

ho will giv 

He has t 

Xo inform y 

tagud depul 

patch them 

If not he wi] 

acted his pai 

gan's messei 

way you regj 

Ws voice whj 

honour logi; 

The Cavall 
to speak to tf 
what Tpganr 
over to his oJ 
tions of Sieul 
wretched belf 
than what hj 
niatters peact 
dissatisfied w3 
returned very 
^- le Moine. 



willing they should perpetrate. After mMny disputes, the Onnontt- 
gu^8 councilled among themselves, and concluded to enquire of 
M. le Moine if he would not wait the permission which Mr. Don- 
gan wished the Iroquois to have from him to talk with you, and 
if he would not tarry ten days more, and you remain at the Lake, 
to l^earn Mr. Dongan's final will. This is a piece of Iroquois cun- 
ning not to embroil themselves with Mr. Dongan, and to follow en- 
tirely what M. le Moine should say, whom they well knew would 
not wait so long, matters having advanced to the point at which they 
are, and knowing, moreover, that delay was directly contrary to 
your instructions. The Iroquis requested M. le Moine himself to 
communicate their opinion to the Cavalier, which he certainly did 
in an excellent manner, and which you will be glad to learn when 
ho will give an account of his negotiation. 

He has thought proper to send you one of his canoes at once 
to inform you hereof, and to assure you that as soon as the Onnon- 
tagu6 deputies shall have arrived here, he will endeavour to des* 
patch them hence at the earliest moment to conduct them to you. 
If not he will leave with the Senecas who are here. Tegannehout 
acted his part very well and harangued strongly against Mr. Don- 
gan's messenger and in favour of Onnontio. Good cheer and the 
way you regaled him was a strengthening medicine which sustained 
his voice when it might perhaps have failed in another who had not 
experienced proofs of your friendship such as you did him the 
honour to give him. He will return with M. le Moine. 

The Cavalier says that before returning to his Master, he wishes 
to speak to the Senecas who are expected here. I caress some- 
what Tegannehout in order that he may win those of his Nation 
over to his opinion and not to suffer them to yield to the solicita- 
tions of Sieur Arnaud to whom the Onnontagu6s have given two 
wretched belts to say to Mr. Dongan that they could not do other 
than what he himself had urged them to do ; to w^it, to settle 
matters peaceably with you, and to soothe his spirit if he were 
dissatisfied with them for not going to Albany whence they had 
returned very recently. A letter is sent you which he has given to 
M. le Moine. , 

Whatever Sieur Arnaud may say, we have not neglected to 


• '*'''i,| 

I i 


m ■ t 


1 1" 



send for the Oneida deputies whom we expect to-morrow. Mon- 
sieur le Moine will use the greatest possible diligence to return 
to yoU| inasmuch as this delay is not very agreable to him. 
,., : I am always, my Lord, 

Your very humble and very obedient servant, 


:i ■) 




IM ■; ■"^' 


■.:;■ :\ ' ' -' . 

' ; V * Onontafo^, 27 8«pt. 1684. 

. My Lord, — ^1 return here after having been delayed ten days in 
the Lake by very strong head winds. A day before the Iroquois 
deputies met here, the Senecas sent Belts to the Iroquois villages 
to declare to them that should you disembark in their country, they 
would attack you. Six or seven Mohegans {Loups) were prepar- 
ing to go to the assistance of the Iroquois, as the Outaoutes were 
aiding the French. The Seneca scouts have been as far as Kaion- 
houagu^, where you had concluded the peace, to be certain of the 
place at which your army had encamped. The Onnontagu^s be- 
lieved for several days that they had killed me. Tegannehout's 
arrival in this country will have calmed the minds in communicat- 
ing your peace to them. No news have as yet been received from 
the Seneca. Some say they will shortly come hither to confer on 
important matters. If any one come from the For there I shall 
inform you of whatever I will have learned. 

Sieur Arnaud, Mr. Dongan's deputy, has not re-appcared here 
since my departure from Onnonta^, though he had assured me that 
he should return in ten days. 'Tis said that his delay is caused by 
not having found his master at Orange (Albany), and tliat he has 
gone to Manath to inform him of the proceedings of the Onnonta- 
gu6 and of your arrival at Gainhouagu<?, [Hungry Bay.] v ^' 
' I had the honour of writing to you from the Fort whence I sent 
you a wampum belt from the Tionnontat^s. I gave Sieur Hanna- 
taksa the belt of Wampum and the red Calumet in your name, to 
whom I said that you would be ever obliged to him if he would 
turn his arms to the left of Fort St. Louis, where the Illinois are 



mingled with the Oumiamis, so as to give no cause of complaint. 

Uncertain as I was regarding matters on the side of the Senecas, 
and fearful that the Senecas would create confusion on arriving here, 
I made some presents in your name to some captains who could 
best curb their insolence, so as to prevent the brewing of the 

Your man of business, I mean La Grande Gueule, is not con 
cerned at any thing ; he is a venal being whom you do well to 
keep in pay. I assured him that you would send him the jerkin 
you promised. The Cayugas who are gone to war to the borders 
of Merinlande and Virginia have sent home some of their warriors 
to say that the English had killed three of their men, and that they 
having taken five Englishmen alive, had cut their throats after sub- 
jecting them to some bad treatment, and that they were still in the 
English country. 

Afler having spoken to you of others, I must acquit myself of a 
part of my duty, by thanking you very humbly for all the kind- 
nesses you have been pleased to shower on me. I should have 
wished you, in addition to the good health in which it pleased God 
to preserve you in the midst of an army weakened by diseases, 
greater satisfaction for the trouble you have taken for the public 
good. Individuals assuredly know that if you had not accepted 
peace, which is very favorable since no one has been killed on 
either side, the Colony would have been exposed to the mercy of 
the Iroquois who would pounce, in different directions, on defence- 
less settlements, the people of which they would carry off in order 
to pitilessly bum them. I pray God, who knows the sincerity of 
your intentions, to be your reward and to heap His blessings on 
you to the extent of the wishes of him who is entirely, my Lord 
Your very humble and very obedient servant, 


I told Colin that you would remember him and his comrade. 
The Tionnontat^s have sent to thank the Onnontagucs for hav- 
ing, by their obliging disposition, gained you over to treat for peace, 
and thus preserve the lives of many, and that they were attached 
to Onnonthio. Sieur la Grande [Gueule] has pronounced your pane- 
gyric here, and professes to keep the promise he made you, to cause 







the articles of peace to be observed. Some furs are to be collected 
tMs fall. He is treating on this subject with Hannagoge and Ga- 
nakonti^. There is no news yet from the Senecas. 






Oimonta|^«, this 9th Octoh. 1684. 

My Lord, — ^The message you sent here by three canoemen from 
Montreal shows you to be in reality a man of your word. Sieur 
Grande Gueule has been informed by express, who is gone to find 
him at his fishery eight leagues from here, that you have written. 
I shall cause him when he returns particularly to recollect his pro- 
mise to you to have satisfaction given you. I have spoken in his 
absence both privately and publicly, to influential persons and ob> 
tained promises from the chiefs and warriors that they would send 
two strings of wampum to the Senecas in three days to put them 
in mind of the word which the leader of those who pillaged the 
French canoes had himself brought here, from those of his own 
nation, that they had accepted all you had concluded at La Famines. 
I told them what you had concluded and had ordered me to acquaint 
them with. The report about the thousand Illinois is a mere ru- 
mor vnthout any foundation, and M. duLut told me at Katarakoui) 
that he did not believe the truth of this news j besides there cannot 
be any apprehension that they could have dared to undertake any 
thing, having met neither Frenchmen nor Outaouas. All that they 
could make a demonstration against have more fuzileers than they. 

A party of 40 warriors will leave here in six days to attack the 
niinois whom they may find among the Chaouennons. I have 
presented the Captain a shirt in your name, to exhort the Senecas 
through whom he will pass, to keep their word with you. He has 
assured me that he will not lead his troop towards the quarter you 
forbad him. I notified him as well as the others that you had de- 
spatcheil a canoe to inform the Oumiamies and the Maskenses that 
you had included them in the peace, and that they could remain 
secure at tlie place where they had been before they were at war 
with the Iroquois. The Senecas shall be equally notified of this in a 



few days. You may rest assured, my Lord, that I sh^tll spare no 
pains to have that satisfaction given you v^hich you expect irom the 
Iroquois. The frenchmen who came here told me thait whilst y^ 
were at La Famine a false alarm reached Montrie^l that t|hc Iroq^o^ 
were coming ; that there was nothing but horror, flight and weep- 
ing at Montreal. What would so many poor people have done in 
tlieir settlements if merely six hundred Iroquois had made an ixrupr- 
tion into the country in the condition in w}|ich it is. You fofi^ j^ 
better opinion than one hundred manufacturers of rhodomontadtas 
who were not acquainted with the Lr o(}i;iois, fmd who reflect not that 
the count;ry, such as it is, is not in a coi;idition to defend itself. Had I 
the honor to converse with you longer than your little leisure allowed 
me, I should hqive convinced you that you could not have advaiiQied 
to Paniaforontogouat [IrondeijuOLt bay] without having been irf.terly 
defeated ii^ the state your army vras in — whjch was rather an hospi- 
tal that a camp. To attack people within their entrenchments and 
fight bt^ditti in the bush will require one thousand ixien more tb^n 
you ^ave. Then you can accomplish nothing without having a 
number of disciplined savages. I gavp you already my though^ 
and believe I told you the truth, and that you deserved the title of 
*' Liberator of the Country" by making peace at a conjunct^re 
when you would have beheld the ruin of the country without pre- 
venting it. The Senecas had double pallisades stroi^ger than the 
pickets of the fort and the first could not have beeji forced without 
great loss. T^eir plan was to Jceep oply 300 n^en ipside, and with 
1?00 ojthers perpetually harass you. All the Iroquois were to coir 
IcQt together and fire only at the legs of your people to master 
them, and burn them at their leisure ; ancj after having cut them 
off by a hundred ambuscades among the foliage and grass, pursue 
you in your retreat even to Montreal to spread desolation through- 
out its vicinity also ; and they had prepared for that purpose 
a quantity of canoes of eighteen men each which they kept coji- 
cealed. But let us all speak of this war to thank God that He has 
preserved our Governor in the midst of so much sickness, and that 
He had compassion on Canada from which He turned away the 
scourge of war which would have laid it entirely desolate. 

The English of Merinlande who had killed three Iroquois, and 

• ■■;; mfi. ■■i- 

I ^f:i *^>. 


■ «, 




of whom the English Iroquois had killed five, are about to have 
di£Scultien with that belligerent nation which has already killed 
more than twenty-nine of their men, and has been threatened 
with war should it continue to insult them. We shall see what 
the English of that quarter will do. 

Oarakontie returned to day from Orange, where he told by a 
belt of Wampum how you had given peace to the public ; also 
how Colonel Dongan had urged the Iroquois to secure it by the 
satisfaction which he advised them to give you. M. Dongan left 
Orange when those who brought the Duke of York's Safeguards 
came to this place ; it is supposed that Arnaud's visit here to pre- 
vent the Iroquois going to see you and to get them to hold a 
Council at Orange, was an intrigue of the Orange merchants who 
feared that their trade would be diminished by a conference held 
with you with arms in your hands ; for M. Dongan had probably 
departed from Orange when Arnaud left to come here. W^at the 
Iroquois know is, after having heard M. Dongan who exhorted 
them to an arrangement with you, it was in no wise probable 
that on the eve of a negotiation, he should have forbidden them 
to visit you without his permission. , , 

A man named La Croix, in Indian Tegaiatannhara, who an- 
swered Oarakontie on behalf of the Dutch, said that had you not 
made peace, knowing that the Safeguards of England were on 
the Iroquois, 800 Englishmen and 1200 Mohegans, {Loups) who 
are between Merinland and New York, entirely distinct from the 
Cannongageh-ronnons whom you have with you, were all ready 
to march at the first word to aid the Iroquois. This man La 
Croix passes with the Iroquois for a great liar ; he, possibly may 
have advanced this of his own accord, as well as many other 
things he has stated, which M. Dongan perhaps would not 
approve, were he acquainted with them. 

I thank you most humbly for having furnished an opportu- 
nity for the transportation to us of a part of our necessaries. It 
is a continuance of your kindness towards us and towards me in 
particular, who am sincerely and with much respect, My Lord, 
Your very humble & very obedient Servant, 

De Lamberville. 

I shall 
turns hex 


Sir— Th 
instead of 
Barre, Goi 

the late Kii 

Iroquois tre 

against the 

planted in t 

subject to J 

French, wit 

His Majes 

of England j 

Governor to 

and to obser 

is selected b 



I shall give La Grande Oueule your jerkin as soon as he re- 
turns here. I had the honor to write to you by Colin ten days 


' [Pari! Doc. III.] 

Versailles, 10 March, 1685. 

Sir — The King has learned that the Governor of New York, 
instead of maintaining good correspondence with Sieur de la 
Barre, Governor of Canada, in conformity with the orders of 
the late King of England, has done what he could to prevent the 
Iroquois treating with him ; that he offered them troops to serve 
against the French, and that he caused standards (flags) to be 
planted in their villages, though these nations had been always 
subject to France since their country was discovered by the 
French, without the English objecting thereto. 

His Majesty desires you to present his complaints to the King 
of England and to demand of him precise orders to oblige this 
Governor to confine himself within the limits of his government, 
and to observe different conduct towards Sieur Denonville, who 
is selected by His Majesty to succeed the said Sieur de la Baire. 






' •. *-s 

•? Hf' 








■ ' ■* 




w I 


'4v * 



^raiijnte of y!tm-fm\u 


My Lore 

sent to met 

cou.'d to m 

wherein I a 

not but you 

answer to s( 

I have yet ; 

them as I an 

jor Lo'ps I } 


Courts of Th 
Juatico. 1 


1. The C 

Council in th 

may be broug 

2. The A 

peace, Sheriffj 

naote parts of 

Court of Assi 

ment of this ] 

held once evei 

such matters a 

bers of which i 

of this provin 

county whereir 

Terminer has 


V /■ 



22d FEBRUARY, 1687. 

[Lond. Doo. v.] 

My Lords — I have received the heads of inquiry your Lo'P* 
sent to mee and indeed I have been r.s industrious as possibly I 
could to make myself capable of giving you satisfaction. And 
wherein I am short of answering your Lo'P" expectation I question 
not but youl pardon it when you consider that to give a distinct 
answer to several of your queries must require a longer time than 
I have yet had since their arrival here. However to such of 
them as I am at present capable to make an answer, I herein give 
yo' Lo'P« I hope the satisfaction required whirh are as follow 

In answer to the first of your Lo'^ps Qtierys 
Courts of The Courts of Justice are most established by Act of 
"""'"• Assembly and they are 

1. The Court of Chancery consisting of the Governor and 
Council in the Supreme court of this province to which appeals 
may be brought from any other court 

2. The Assembly finding the inconvenience of bringing of y« 
peace, Sheriffs, Constables @ other p'sons concerned from the re- 
mote parts of this government to New York did instead of the 
Court of Assizes which was yearly held for the whole Govern- 
ment of this province erect a Court of Oyer ano Terminer to be 
held once every year within each County for the determining of 
such matters as should arise within thera respectively, the mem- 
bers of which Court were appointed to bee one of the two judges 
of this province assisted by three justices of the peace of that 
county wher'iin such court is held. Which Court of Oyer & 
Terminer has likewise power to hea». appeals from any inferior 


GOV. dongan's report on 

If. if 

s "m- > 

3. There is likewise in New York @ Albany a Court of Mayor 
@ Aldermen held once in every fortnight from whence their can 
be noe appeal unless the cause of action bee above the value of 
Twenty Pounds, who have likewise priviledges to make such by- 
laws for y« regulation of their own affairs as they think fitt, soe 
as the same be approved of by y« Gov' @ Council. 

Their Mayor, Recorders, town-clerks @ Sheriffs are appointed 
by the Governor 

4. There is likewise in every County twice in every year (ex- 
cept in new York where its four times @ in Albany where its 
thrice) Courts of Sessions held by the Justices of the Peace for 
the resp'ive county s as in Engld. 

5. In every Town wt" y^ Government there are 3 Commis- 
sioners appointed to hear and determine all matters of difference 
not exceeding the value of five pounds which shill happen with- 
in the respective towns. 

6. Besides these, my Lords, I finding that many great incon- 
vienences daily hapned in the managem' of his Ma'* particular 
concerns within this province relating to his Lands, Rents, Rights, 
Profits @ Revenues by reason of the great distance betwixt the 
Cursory settled Courts @ of the long delay which thereon conse- 
quently ensued besides the great hazard of venturing the matter 
on country Jurors who over @ above that they are generally ig- 
norant enough @ for the most part linked together by affinity 
are too much swayed by their particular humors @ interests, I 
thought fit in Feb. last by @ with y« advice @ consent of y" Coun- 
cil to settle and establish a Court which we call the court of Judi- 
cature [Exchequer] to bee held before y*' GoV @ Council for 
the time being or before such @ soe many as the Gov"" should for 
that purpost^ authorize, comissionat @ appoint on the first Monday 
in every month at New York, which Court hath full power and 
authority to hear, try @. determine suits matters @ variances aris- 
ing betwixi his Ma'y @ y^ Inhabitants of the said Province con- 
cerning the said lands, rents, rights, profits @ revenues 

In answer to the Second. 
LawBin The Laws in force are y" Laws called his Royal High- 
nesses Laws and the acts of the General Assembly the 

most of 
send ovei 

In this 
hundred h 
bee able ] 
roaster sha 

At New 
roerly agair 

Harbor on i 
by the soum 
tar pieces, tl 
shells @Gra 
the face of t\ 
C'ourlin has b 
tar @ all the 
™y coming h« 
And the mc 
yet continue i 
as the mills ca 
I am forcec 
@ have spoke 
And the brej 
its likewise nee 
quarters had fo 
to maintain @ tl 
a new roof to be 
arch of the Gat 
tbrc't every day 
to bee making r( 
The ground th 
tains in quantity 
have instead of 

Thd this Fortif 


-d over b, „,. Sprag to who. r^Z'"'::® '" '''' ' ''^^^ 

In answer to tkTl7''''^''P^''''' 
In this Govern'" t thp ^"^ [° ^^e TAird 

hundred ho.e besides ZZ^X '""^'"' '-"" ® "■- 
t" able to give a m„.e partfcZL "«''°"' <"' "Web I ,ha,, 
-aster shall „ake his returr """' "'""' "» Muster- 

At New York the^"°''T '" "" -^''"''* 
-I, against the Cd^s o;'d*"lt::n°" k"'™' ''"''' ^- 
breast-work well @ pleasantly I'lZ f '"["" *'"' ^»''»»« => 
Harbor on a point Jj. ^v HndlnrR ""' ''"'"'« "^ '1" 
by the sound on the other, I, la tL^""- °''."'' ">»^ ^'-"^ "«'' 
tar pieces, thirty Barils of P„w,W fiV .^"T" °''""'' '*» Mor- 
shell8@Gra„ad„s small armsT I ?°"''"'' ''^" »°»eBomb. 
the face of the North bS„ and 1' """' ™' ^'''»''«'. 

Collin has been done @ r" ieb" ,t b" ''°""'. "' *"^«°- «* « 
tar @ all the rest of the Fort I„d 1 ^ ""^ "'* !-'■»« ® Mor- 
■»y coming here. '^ ""'' ® '""gb-oasl with lime since 

And the most of the Guns I h«r.A a- 
yet continue to bee soe wWch I b^ '''™»''»*«' ® ^"""e of them 
»» the mills can sawe *°P' '» •■"" '»0"«ted soe soon 

I am forced to renew all tb- p •. 
® have spoke for new plnttrfhT'^ """ "■"'■»* «-k 

a new roof to bee upon it, as alsoeiinll^^ '/'"'• ^'^''^^'^ '^'^-^ 
arch of the Gate I have been forrtt^ TV" """ """"S'' «■» 
forc't every day bv reason JV ''"* * ^""^ »"" it, I am 

'»^ee --fin/repYr:rsttttrrslr'""^" ^ «»* 

The ground that the Fort sf„n,l. t? "* " ""J' "W"- 
tains in quantity about tw, » "/s or'^b ® f ""'""S^'" i'-n- 

-Tb* .his For.i«catio„ bee inconsiderable, ye. I could Wish the 

I i 





R ; '^' 


King had scverall of them in these parts, the people growing 
every day more numerous @ they generaly of a turbulent dis- 

In this Country tli re is a woman yet alive from whose Loyns 
there are upwards of three hundred d') sixtj persons now livi'ig 
The men that are here have generally lusty slrt ng bodies 
At Albany there is a Fort mude of pine trees fifteen foot high 
@ foot over with Batterys and conveniences made for men to 
walk about, where are nine guns, small arms for forty men four 
Barils of powder with great and small Shott in proportion, The 
Timber @ Boards being rotten were renewed this year. In my 
opinion it were better that fort were built up of Stone @ Lime 
which will not be double the charge of this years repair which 
yet will not last above 6 or 7 years before it will require the like 
again whereas on the contrary were it built of Lime St Stone it 
may bee far more easily maintained. And truly its very necessary 
to have a Fort there, it being a frontier place both to the Indians 
@ jBFreach 

At Pemaquid there is another Fort built after the 

i'eiTiaquid • t, ■, • i i 

Fort awl same manner as I am informed a particular des- 

Coniiecticut. _ ... 

cription whereof I am not capable of giving having ne- 
ver been there however its a great charge to this Govermn* 
without being any thing of advantage to it, having officers there 
with twenty men always in pay. And which makes it yet more 
chargeable, I am forced to send from time to time provisions @ 
stores thither altho' its near four hundred miles from this place 
If his Ma*y were pleased that I might drinv of the men and arms 
from that place with the guns being of light carriage @ that I 
might have leave to put them further into the country I would 
place them where I will give your Lo^p an ace* hereafter 

And then if his Maty were further pleased to annex that place 
to Boston, being very convenient for them in regard to its vici- 
nity affording great store of Fishery @ Islands fit for that pur- 
pose lying all along to the eastward of them — And in lieu of that 
to add to this Government Connecticut @ Rhode Island, Connec- 
ticut being so conveniently situate in its adjacing to us and soe 
inconvenient for the peo'^^e of Boston by reason of its being up- 

wards of 

necticut { 

value tha 

the river i 

bee not a 

make any 

Long Islai 

the greates 

place : An 

& Peltry. 

which his ] 
King, and 
these peoph 
vermt of Be 
Ires directed 

£a«i and 
West Jeney. 


wise the advi 
there out of i 
great many o 
annexed to tl 
Last year t 
sure that that 
sey consume ( 
rest of their 
without payin 
bility of preve 
And as for ; 
carried thither 
soe as they car 
better afford th 
wards or outw; 
An other in 
<loes is that pri 
and take what 



wards of two hunilrt'd miles distance from thence, Besidis Con- 
necticut as it now is takes away from us almost all the land of 
value that lies adjoyneing to Hudsons River (« the best part of 
the river itself, Besides as wee found by experience if that place 
bee not annexed to that Government it will bte impossible to 
make any thing considerable of his Maty* customs (<i) revenues in 
Long Island they carry away with'entiing all our oylcs which is 
the greatest part of what wee have to make returns of from this 
place : And from Albany and that way up the riv ur Beaver 
& Peltry. 

This G ^vernment too has an undoubted right to it by charter 
which liis late Ma*y of Blessed Memory granted to our present 
King, and indeed if the form of the Government bee altered 
these people will rather choose to come under this than that Go- 
verm* of Boston as y Lo'P" will p'ccive by their present Gov" 
Ires directed to me 

Emi and •^'^^ ^s ^^^ ^^s* Jersey it being situate on the other 

we»t Jersey, gj^jg q|- jjudsons rivcr @ bctwccn us where the river 
disembogues itself into the sea paying noe custom @ having like- 
wise the advantage of having better land (fi) most of the settlers 
there out of this Govermn*. Wee are like to bee deserted by a 
great many of our merchants whoe intend to settle there if not 
annexed to this Government — 

Last year two or three ships came in there with goods @ I am 
sure that that Country cannot, noe not with the help of West Jer- 
sey consume one thousand £b in goods in two years soe that the 
rest of their goods must have been run into this Government 
without paying his Maty^ customs and indeed theres noe possi- 
bility of preventing it. 

And as for Beaver @ Peltry its impossible to hinder its being 
carried thither, the Indians value not the length of their journey 
soe as they can come to a good market, which those people can 
better afford them than wee they paying noe custom or excise in- 
wards or outwards. 

An other inconveniency by the Governments remaining as it 
does is that privateers and others can come within Sandy Hook 
and take what Provisions @ goods they please from that side. 

\ . 




I^|2j8 |2.5 
i« 111112.0 


[1.25 ||U 



6" - 












WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 

(716) 872-4503 







GOV. dongan's report om 

Alsoe very often shipps bound to this place break bulk there @ 
run their goods into that Colony \rith intent afterwards to import 
the same privately @ at more leisure into this Province notwith- 
standing their oath, they salving themselves with this evasion 
that that place is not in thisGovermS To day an Interloper land- 
ed five tun @ one half of teeth there, to prevent all which incon- 
veniences @ for the securing of this place from enemys) I desire 
to have an order to make up a small Fort with twelve guns "pon 
Sandy-Hook the channell there being soe near the shore that noe 
vessel can goe in nor out but shec must come soe neare the Point 
that from on board one might toss a buiscuit cake on shore 

If the Proprietors would rightly consider it they would fitad it 
their own interest that that place should bee annexed to this Go' 
verment for they are at a greater charge for maintaining tbe pre- 
sent Goverm* than the whole profits of the Province (which is 
by quit rents) will amount unto ; for they are at the whole charge 
the Country allowing nothing towards its support soe that had 
they not the charge of the Goverm^ they might put that money 
into their own pockets j'-^w 

And indeed to make Amboy a port will be no less ineonTenient 
for the reasons afore mentioned neighboring colonys bleing not 
come to that P'fection but that one fort may sufficiently serve 
us all 

Dajwto Wg j^ tjj^g Government look upon that bay that runs 
H«S? into t^e Sea at Sandy Hook to be Hudsons River therfore 
there being a clause in my instructions directing mee that I cause 
all vessels that come into Hudson's River to enter at New York 
I desire to know whether his Mat7 intends thereby those vessels 
that come within Sandy-Hook, the people of Eaist-Jersey pre- 
tending a right to the river soe farr as their province extends 
which is eighteen miles up the river to the northward of this 

West Jersey remaining as it does will be no less inconvenient 
to this Goverm* for the same reasons as East Jersey, they both 
making but one neck of land ® that so near sitiuate to us that its 
more for their convenience to have commerce here than any 
where else, @ under those circumstances that if there were a wan 



either with Christians or Indians they would not bee able to de- 
fend themselves without the assistance of this Goverm*. 

To bee short, there is an absolute necessity those provinces 
and that of Connecticut be annexed 

The three lower Countys of Pennsylvania have been a depen- 
dency on this place @ a great many of the inhabitants person^ 
that removed thither from this Goverm* and I doc not believe it 
was his Maty* intention to annex it to Pennsylvania, nor to have 
it subject to the same laws it being the King's own land, the do- 
ing whereof by mr Pen there has been of great detriment to thi6 
place in hindriiig the Tobacco to come hither as formerly, for' 
then there came two shipps for one that comes now ; Beaver @> 
Peltry taking up but small Stowage in shipps 

;And indeed it were in my opinion very necessary for the ad- 
vantage of this place @ increase of his Mat^* revenue^ that it 
were soe ordered that the Tobacco of these countrys may bee 
imported hither without paying there the duty of one penhy p' 
pound and then wee should not bee at such streights for returns^ 
their trade would much increase, and this place become a maga- 
zin for the Neighboring provinces, @ care taken that the Tobacco 
bee duly returned to England whereas now a great part of it goes 
another way @ soe its very necessary that the Collector of this 
place should be Collector of that River for the enumerated com- 
modity s, And wee will have such regard to the advantage of this 
port that we'el suffer noe fraud to bee committed th^re nor noe 
Tobacco to be exported but what goes either directly for England 
or this place. 

Besides wee find the contrary to bee Very inconvenient in this 
that whereas formerly the damnified Tobacco which cam)e from 
thence not fit for England wee made up in rolls aiid sent y* same 
up the River to the Indians who in Exchange gave in Beaver @ 
Peltry, for want whereof his Maty* revenue here is much im*" 
paired inasmuch as the Indians are therefore forct either to Plant 
the tobacco themselves or to goe where they can be furnished 
with it ©there carry their beavof® peltry (they being of that' 
temper that they iiad rather want clothes than TobaCeo)by which 
Meanes his Maty* revenue sustains a double loss, otte in the ten 

i } r'» 

r I 


GOT. DONGAn's report ON 

pe' cent such tobacco pays custom up the river @ the other in 
the custom of such Beaver @ peltry as the same would produce 

Further if Pennsylvania bee continued as by charter running 
five degrees to the westward it will take in the most of the five 
nations that lye to the westward of Albany @ the whole Beaver @ 
Peltry trade of that place the consequence whereof will be the 
depopulation of this Qoverm^ for the people must follow the 
trade. Those Indians and the people of this Ooverm* have been 
in continued peace @ amity one with another these fifty years 
And those Indians about forty years agoe did annex their lands to 
this Governm^ ® have ever since constantly renewed the same 
with every Governor that has been here both in the time of the 
Dutch @ the English ® in particular to myself who have given 
them largely in consideration of their lands And I am certainly 
informed that they have declared they will go @ live on y^ other 
side of the lake than be under any other Goverm* on this than 
ours, Endeavors have been used (tho to noe purpose) to p'suade 
some of our Traders who speak the language to goe and live upon 
the Susquehanna river tho I cannot yet find out by whom this has 
been made. 

The five Indian nations are the most warlike people in Ameri- 
ca, @ are a bulwark between us @ the French @ all other In- 
dians they goe as far as the South Sea the North West passage 
@ Florida to warr. New England in their last warr with the 
Indians had been ruined had not S' Edmund Andros sent some of 
those nations to their assistance, and indeed they are soe conside- 
rable that all the Indians in these parts of America are tributary 
to them. I suffer no Christians to converse with them any where 
but at Albany @ that not without my license 

Since I came here the people of Boston have sent them presents 
in acknouledgement of their* favor @ friendship. @ I was forc't 
to goe with my Lord Effingham to bury his hatchet and theirs 
which is their way of making a peace 

I have sent herewith what the nations that conquered 
""ownt *^® Susquehannas desired of the King in my Lord Ef- 
fingham's presence and I believe it to be of dangerous 
consequence if denyed 

. WJ 



This Governm* has always been and still is at a great cha^e 
to keep them peaceable ® annexed to this government which is 
of that moment that upon any occasion I can have three or four 
thousand of their men at a call. 

I cannot believe that ever it was the King's intention to grant 

away soe considerable a part of this gov/ernment which has been 

iTuni, a ^ '®"S appropriated to it @ even the people think it 

for the Beaver gg a part of themselves @ would be much troubled at 

Trade. * 

a separation from soe good @ ancient neighbours that 
at first of their own free wills became soe and have ever since 
continued with such constancy to desire and maintain a mutual 
friendship and correspondence If therefore his Ma^r were pleased 
to have a line run from 41^ and 40 m in Delaware River to the 
Falls upon the Susquehanna and to let Mr. Pen keep all below 
that it would be sufficient for him the bounds below it being con- 
jectured to contain more than all England besides the louer Coun- 
tys whicH is near upon 100 miles from the Cape up the river ; 
and in bredth more than 30 miles as is generally beleeved 

To preserve the Beaver ® Peltry trade for this ® Albany and 
to be an encouragement to our Beaver hunters I desire I may have 
order to erect a Campayne Fort upon Delaware River in 41^ 40 
m ; another upon the Susquehanna where his Mat7 shall think fit 
Mr. Penns bounds shall terminate. And another at Oneigra 
near the great lake in the way where our people goe a Beaver 
hunting or trading or any where else where I shall think conve- 
nient it being very necessary for the support of Trade, maintain- 
ing a correspondence with the further Indians, @ in securing our 
right in the country the French making a pretence as far as the 
Bay of Mexico, for which they have no other argument than that 
they have had possession this twenty years by their fathers living 
so long among the Indians they have fathers still among the five 
nations aforementioned viz. the Maquaes, Sinicaes, Cayouges, 
Oneides, and Onondagues @ have converted many of them to the 
Christian Faith ® doe their utmost to draw them to Canada, to 
which place there are already 6 or 700 retired and more like to 
doe, to the great prejudice of this Goverm* if not prevented. I 
have done my endeavours @ have gone so far in it that I have 

! ! 

k , 

i ■' '1 

' i ^ 

f'' *!" 



GOT. DOKGAN's report OV 

i • 

indUnifrom prevailed with the Indians to consent to come back 
CMkdB. ^^^^^ Canada on condition that I procure for them a 
piece of land called Serachtague lying upon Hudson's Rirer about 
40 miles above Albany @ there furnish them with priests 

Thereupon and upon a petition of the people of Albany to mee 
setting forth the reasonableness and conveniency of granting to 
the Indians there requests I have procured the land for them, 
altho it has been formerly patented to people at Albany @ have 
promised the Indians that they shall have priests and that I will 
build them a church @ have assured the people of Albany that I 
would address to his Maty as to your Lo'P* that care may bee 
taken to send over by the first five or six it being a matter of 
grf^at consequence. . 

These Indians have about 10 or 12 castles (as they term them) 
(§1, those at a great distance one from another, soe that there is 
an absolute necessity of having soe many priests, that there bee 
three always travelling from castle to castle, @ the rest to live 
with those that are Christians, Dy that means the French Priests 
vifill be obliged to retire to Canada, whereby the French will be 
divested of their pretence to y« Country @ then wee shall enjoy 
that trade without any fear cf being diverted, 

I find a very small matter will seruejthe French for a pretence 
of. right. About 30 years ago 6 or 700 of them taking advantage 
oC the Indians being abroad soe farr as Cape Florida at warr 
came down @ burnt a castle of the Maquaes wherein there were 
noQie but old men women @ children which the rest of the Indians 
hearing pursued the French to a place called Sconectade about 20 
miles above Albany where they had every man been cut off had 
not one Corlarr (a Dutchman so beloved of the Indians that in 
mmQry of him they call all Governors by that name) interposed 

I](owever from that time they have fancied to themselves that 
they have a right to the country so farr as that place 

The great difference between us is about the Beaver trade and 
in truth they have the advantage of us in it @ that by noe other 
meanes than by their industry in making discoveries in the coun- 
try before us 

Before my coming hither noe man of our Governm^ ever went 




beyond the Sinicaes country, Last year some of our people went 
a trading among the farr Indians called the Ottowais inhabiting 
about three months journey to the West @ W. N. W. of Albany 
from whence they brought a good many Beavers. They found 
their people more inclined to trade with them than the French 
the French not being able to protect them from the arms of our 
Indians, with whom they have had a continued warr, soe that 
our Indians brought away this very last year, a great many pri- 

Last week I sent for some of our Indians to New York where 
when they came I obtained a promise from them that some of 
themselves would goe along with such of our people as goe from 
Albtoy & Esopus to there far nations ® carry with them the cap- 
tives they haue prisoners in order to the restoring them to their 
liberty @ bury their hatchetts with those of their enemys by which 
means a path may be opened for these farr Indians to come with 
safety to trade at Albany, and our people goe thither without any 
let or disturbance 

I hear the French have built a Wooden Fort or two in the 
Way thither @ that there are two officers with men in them to 
obstruct our passage, I am sending a Scotch Oent called M<:Gre- 
ger (that served formerly in France) along with our people, hee 
has orders not to disturb or meddle with the French and I hope 
they will not meddle with him, ^ver since my coming hither it 
has been no small trouble to keep the Sinicaes from making warr 
upon the French, Monsieur De la Bair was very hot upon it ® 
brought a great many men to a place called Cadaraque lying on 
the lake with intent to fall on the Indians, who hearing of it 
came to me for leave to enter Canade with fire @ sword, which I 
reftised to permit but immediately I wro* to La Barr @ let him 
know that those Indians were his Mat7> of Great Britain's sub- 
jects @ that he must not molest them @ that if the Indians had 
done the Govemm^ of Canada any injury, upon his making the 
same appear, I would cause that hee should have satisfaction as 
also I sent the arms of his Royal Highness now his Majesty to bee 
put up in each castle as far as Oneigra which was accordingly 





(■ / 





i k 

done, @ thereupon De la Barr retired without doing any thing 
after having been at a vast expense and all to no purpose 

The new Governor Mods' de Nonville has written xnee that hee 
desires to have a very good correspondence with this Goverm' @ 
I hope hee will bee as good as his word, notwithstanding he put 
a great deal of provisions into @ keeps four or five hundred men 
in Cadaraque 

Last spring he sent one De la Croa with fifty soldiers @ one 
hundred young men of Canada to the North West passage where 
as I am certainly informed from Canada they have taken three 
forts. About two years since there came a thousand men from 
France to Canada with the new Gov' @ three hundred came 
the year after. But the most part of them as I hear are since 
dead the country proving too cold for them. Wee need not 
/ieare them soe long as the Indians continue to bee our friends @ 
the less if wee can prevail with the Indians that are Christians 
to come from them to us, they being generally the youngest @ 
«ustiest men. 

The nnm- ^^^ 7^^^ there was a list brought into the new Gov' of 
FMnoh in 17000 French Inhabitants in Canada, men women ® 


children of which 3000 fit to bear arms 

It will be very necessary for us to encourage our young men 
to goe a Beaver Hunting as the French doe 

I send a Map by Mr Spragg whereby your LoP* may see the 
several Goverm*' &c how they lye where the Beaver hunting is 
@ where it will bee necessary to erect our Country Forts for the 
securing of beaver trade ® keeping the Indians in community 
with us 

Alsoe it points out where theres a great river discovered by one 
L^uKsal a Frenchman from Canada who thereupon went into France 
® and as its reported brought two or three vessfJs with people 
to settle there which (if true) will prove not only very inconve- 
nient to us but to the Spanish alsoe (the river running all along 
from our lakes by the back of Virginia @ Carolina into the Bay 
Mexico) @ its beleeved Ndva Mexico can not bee far from the 
mountains adjoining to it that place being in 36d North Latitude 
'tf your LoP* thought it fit I could send a sloop or two from this 
place to discover that river 

Mirhbon ^ 


may have 

In it the 

or removec 

They ha 

Indies Bost 

They hai 

belonging t 

The coun 

bors @ two 

harbor for a 

As for their 

The Correi 

cable @ good 

offices of Fri 

endeared the 

part of this ( 

to come unde 

afore mention 

been a part c 

not soe easy n 

united to us 




What are p„ 
the boan. ' Or , 
dariei ton- t ,„« 

Stode ft -L refer 
*o Will see 
The land of | 
cept the land 
into the count! 
quantities very f 
What was go 


/ ll 




of our 


In anttoer to the Fifth 
This query is for the most part answered in the prece- 
dent what is not answered followeth here 

Connecticut according to the nearest conjecture I can make 
may have about 3000 men able to bear arms 

In it there are but few Indians having been generally destroyed 
or removed into this government in the time of the last warrs 

They have but a small trade, what they have is to the West- 
Indies Boston and this place. 

They have not above a Ketch or two and about 6 or 7 sloops 
belonging to the place. 

The country is very good accommodated with several good har- 
bors @ two considerable rivers New London is ® very good 
harbor for shipping where they may ride secure from all winds' 
As for their timber its the same as ours here 

To the Sisth 

The Correspondence wee hold with our neighbors is very ami- 
cable @ good wee on all occasions doing to each other all the 
offices of Friendship @ Service wee can : which has soe much 
endeared them to us that they desire nothing more than to be a 
part of this Goverm* those of Connecticut choosing farr rather 
to come under this Goverm^ than that of Boston for the reasons 
afore mentioned and the Jerseys wishing the like as having once 
been a part of us. And seeing that in this separation they are 
not soe easy nor safe, as they might expect to bee, were they re- 
united to us 

To the Seventh 
^!^ *« It is answered in the answer to the Fourth 

aimes so 

To the Eighth 
^SiMk ^^^ *^® longitude latitude and contents of this Goverm* 
ritodS**"! '®^®' y®' ^°^' t® *^® afore- mentioned Map wherein you 
Stimda ^j]j ggg jjj ^jjj^^ narrow bounds we are cooped up 

The land of this Goverment is generally barren rocky land ex- 
cept the land wee have right to on the Susquehanna river @ up 
into the country amongst our Indians where there are great 
quantities very good , 

What was good ® did lye convenient and near the sea for y* 

I'd ' I 


1 I' •> . 

\ i 


GOV. donqam's bkfokt ox 


^1 ^ Si 


most part is taken from us by Connecticut East and West Jersey 
What is left is pretty well settled, as your L^P* will perceive 
by the list of patents Mr. Sprag has with him 

When I came to the Goverment, I found very little quit-rent 
reserved to his Ma^x bowever I have got the people with their 
pwn consent to the payment of a certainty as yo' Lop* may per- 
ceive by the afore mentioned list of patents. Such as pay noe 
quit-rents I bring into the aforementioned court for his Maty* 
rents @ revenues where in a short time they are easily induced 
to doe it, @ I hope his Ma^y will have considerable revenue by it 

To the Mnth 

What are Tb^ princy)al towns within the Goverm* are New York 
^ w^ Albany @ Kingston at Esopus All the rest are country 

villages the buildings in New- York @ Albany are gene- 
rally of stone @ brick. In the country the houses are mostly 
new built, having two or three rooms on a floor The Dutch are 
great improvers of land New York @ Albany live wholly upon 
trade with the Indians England and the West Indies. The re- 
turns for England are generally Beaver Peltry Oile @ Tobacco 
when we can have it. To the West Indies we send Flower, Bread 
Pease pork @ sometimes horses ; the return from thence for the 
most part is rumm which pays the King a considerable esccise ® 
some molasses which serves the people to make drink @ pays noe 

There are about nine of ten three mast vessels of about 

80 or 100 tons burthen two or three ketches @ Barks of 
about 40 Tun : and about twenty sloops of about twenty or five 
® twenty Tunn belonging to the Goverm* All of which trade 
for England Holland @ the West Indies except six or seven 
sloops that use the river trade to Albany @ that way 

The Tenth is answered in the answers to liie four ® 

To the Eleventh 

A thousand ships may ride here safe from winds ® 
weather, I send herewith to your LodP a Mi^ from the 
coming in of Sf^y Hook to the northermost end of this Island 


parish e« 
FNoinU fc« 

rooda *o 



wlMre'iB the Soundings are markt by which yovil pt^oeire the 
coining in ® conveniency of this harbor 

Quit along the north side of Long-Island are very good hu^ 
bors @ roads but on the south side nonu at all 

To the Twelfth 
What com*. What account I can at present give of this is for the 
^' ** most part contained in my answer to the fourth of your 
LoP* Queries 

To the Thirtemth 
^2Tk«hu Both our neighbors and wee have conveniency sufB- 
■Miwi^*o cient either for transporting timber or building And for 
tryal if your LodP think fit) I will send over boards of what di- 
mensions you please the three inch planks I have for the Batteries 
coat me fifteen shillings the humlred foot 

To the Fourteenth 
J|[fcj*» srii I can give y« Lo noe account at present but by the 

next I may. I will make a diligent enquiry about it® 
when I have got any thing worthy of your LoP* knowledge I 
will acquaint you with it 

To the Fifteenth 
ee^hu'^l Concerning the number of the Inhabitants merchant 

English ® Forreigners, Servants Slaves @ how many 
able to bear arms it is not possible to give an exact account but 
in order to my being certainly informed I have issued forth seve- 
ral warrants to the Sheriffs within this goverment requiring them 
to make an inquiry thereof ® to return the sane to mee on which 
returns I shall not fail to give your LodP' the account required 

To the Sixteenth 
aPSn!^^ I believe for these 7 years last past, there has not 
o^p^VpJlw come over into this province twenty English Scotch or 
iSTiTwrAo " Irish familys. But on the contrary on Long Island the 
people encrease soc fast that they complain for want of land ® 
many remove from thence into the neighboring province. But 
of French there have since my coming here several familys come 
both from St. Christophers & England @ a great many more are 
expected as alsoe from Holland are come several Dutch familys 
which is another great argument of the necessity of adding to 

•' •■ i 


1 ! 



this Ooverm> the neighbouring English Colonys, thnt a moreeqiml 
ballance m«y bee krpt here between his Maty* natural! bom sub- 
jects and foreigners 'which latter are the most prevailing part of 
this Government 

I send herewith a petition of the new come naturalized French 

For Antwtr to the Seventeenth If Eighteenth 

irambw^f** ^ ™***^ ^^^^^ y^"' ^°'' *° ™y "**^ ^y which time I 
ci»iM«mD(ti doubt not but to be able to give y* desired account 
2;^^''^^^ having to that end issued forth the like warrant to the 

Sheriff as aforesaid 

To the Mneteenih 


«r(MMi»St -^^ concerning y* vessels belonging to this place it is 
*" already answered in the answer to y' LoP' ninth Querie 

® for others they are but few which are either from England 
New England or the West Indies 

To the Taentieth 
lOtMtnM. What obstructions do you find to the improvement 
of trade &c 

Jlns. a great obstruction to our trade is the hindring the im- 
porting Tobacco from the three lower Countys in Delaware as I 
have already given your LoP' an account in answer to the fifth 
of your queries 

It is likewise a great hindrance to our trade here ® an incon- 
veniency to the ships that come out of England and the fishery 
that his Maty keeps not an officer at Newfoundland for formerly 
there went every year Sloops with provisions thither ® gave the 
provisions in exchange for their fish who again sold them to the 
Shipps for Bills of Exchange to England which made good re- 
turns from this place procuring back from England English goods 
which paid his Maty custom there 

For the regulation of our trade we have made several rules 
among ourselves, the chief of which is that noe goods of the 
product of Europe or West Indies bee imported into this province 
unless it were directly from England or such part of the We^t 
Indies where such commoditys were produced^ without paying 
as a custom to his Matr 10 pr cent 

WftM «4tm. 

iMa* or iiif 
May b« ffiiinad 
la your irada 


\VhM raiw 
•lid tluin 

. , cient I sha 
The Rev 
upon his M 
lembly pay 
For ever 
imported inl 
money of tli 
For everj 
Sherry @ al 
money aforei 
Upon all 
pendencys th 
for every hue 
hereafter spec 
Salt, Brid 
wool Ginger, 
• bacco bullion 
Upon all m 
fela, Strouds, 
White Ozenbi 

Cotton, Red K 

goods the sum 

hundred poun 

any vessel sloe 

Upon every 

,. Upon every 

For every G 

For every G 

bee carried up 


And likewise 



wkM •«i»«ii. ^° '** *"** °^^ Twentieth 

i!^v«m«iiu' "^^i* quertc is sufficiently answered in the foregoing 

SVo^-'rl*" answer. 

To the two and Twentieth concerning the Revenue 

^^duiyi** ^ *^*^^ K'^* y^^^ ^**'" ^ *x8ct an answer to this 
*" querie as its possible for me, and wherein I am defi- 

cient I shall acquaint your LoP* with the true causes of it 

The Revenue except that of the Quit-Rents has been settled 
upon his Mutr then his Royal Highness @ his heirs by act of Ai- 
lembly payable in manner following viz* 

For every Gallon of Rum Brandy @ distilled liquors to bee 
imported into the province @ its dependencys fou pence currant 
money of the province 

For every pipe of Madera, Fyal St George Canary Malaga 
Sherry ® all sweet wines the summ of forty shillings currtJit 
money aforesaid 

Upon all other merchandizes imported into the province ® de- 
pendencys the summ of forty shillings currant money aforesaid 
for every hundred pounds valued at the prime cost except those 
hereafter specified viz* 

Salt, Brick, Pan-tyles, Coals, Fixh, Sugar Molasses, Cotton- 
wool Ginger, Logwood, brasalette, fiustyk west-India hydes, To- 
bacco bullion ® Plate 

Upon all merchandize commonly called Indian Goods as Duf- 
fels, Strouds, Blankelts, plains, half-thicks, Woolen StokinSi 
White Ozenbriggs, kettles, hatchets, hoes, Red Lead, vermilion, 
Cotton, Red Kersey, Knives, Indian Haberdashery® other Indian 
goods the summ of ten pounds currant money aforesaid for every 
hundred pounds value prime cost carried up Hudsons river in 
any vessel sloops boats or canoes or any other way 

Upon every baril of powder twelve shillings 

Upon every lb. weight of lead six shillings 

For every Gun or Gun-Baril with a lock six shillings 

For every Gall', of Rum, Brandy or distilld Liquors that shall 
bee carried up Hudsons river aforesaid four pence currant money 

And likewise by the said act is settled upon his Matr, his heirs 

> 'Tl 




Fir. ^ 






m 1/ 



@ successors an excise upon all liquors (beer and cyder excepted) 
retailed under five gallons the sum of t%relve pence currant money, 
aforesaid within y" city @ county of New York per gallon as alsoe 
the excise of twelve pence currant money aforesaid upon each 
gallon of liquor CHrrled up Hudsons river. And also an excise of 
twelve pence on liquors retailed throughout the whole province 
® Dependencies (beer and cyder only excepted) 

As alsoe the custom @ duty upon every beaver skin commonly 
called a whole Beaver, nine pence 

And that all other furs @ peltry bee valued accordingly that is 
for two half beavers nine pence for four lappa nine pence three 
drillings one shilling'sixpence ten ratoons ninepence four foxes 
ninepence, four fishers ninepence, five catts ninepence, four @ 
twenty mees-catts ninepence, ten mailers nine pence, twenty-four 
pounds of Moose @ Deer Skin ninepence- And all other Peltry 
to be valued equivalent to the whole beaver exported out of this 
Province (bull @ cowhides excepted) 

And alsoe that all Indian traders throughout the whole province 
@ dependencies doe pay for the value of each hundred pounds 
prime cost they traffick with the Indians for, ten pounds money 

And for all Beer @ Sider retailed throughout the Province ® 
dependencies six shillings per baril, and for each baril of beer or 
sidcr that is sold to the Indians six shillings as if retailed 
Qnit Renu As for the Quit Rents at my arrival they were very 
inconsiderable most made b^ S' Edmond Andros, the greatest 
part whereof in Delaware River the most part of the patents 
granted by my predecessors were without any reservation of any 
Quit-Rents or acknowledgment to his Ma*y or very inconsidera- 
ble such as several of S' Edmond Andros's grants to great town- 
ships reserving the Quit-rent of our Land only @ were but con- 
firmations of former grants @ Indian purchases. These people 
have renewed their Patents under a greater Quit-Rent as will ap- 
pear by the list sent herewith most of these patents granted by 
mee were confirmations alsoe 

The methods that I took for the obliging them to this was find- 
ing several tracts of land in their townships not purchased of the 

Indians i 

to submi 


The pc 

ment of h 

are Mr L\ 


out of En^ 

three yean 

Ban (on 

ment of ti 
make any j 
ness wherel 
curned hee 
sheriffs or . 
And alsoe w 
business thei 
Receiver, wi 
hee sho^ re( 
«ich moneys 
Clerk of the 
a competent 
At Esopus 
lecter @ rec< 
accounted wil 
forct to send i 
accts who wl 
confused acct| 
with a great 
'for his Matxi 
house so that 
years ® on h^ 

Since that 
Pawling sherij 

As for the 
l*0P« will see 
And for thel 




Indians and soe at his Maty* (Hsposal. They were, willing rather 
to submit to a greater Quit Rent than have that unpurchased land 
disposed of to others than themselves 

The persons that have had the collection receipt @ manage- 
ment of his Maty'« revenue for these three years past @ upwards 
are Mr Lucas Santcn by commission from hisMa^y then his Royal 
Highness, Collecter @ Receiver. John Smith one that he brought 
out of England was his deputy book-keeper @ surveyor for about 
three years @ crit John Harlow a servant of his, waiter @ searcher 
Switon I gave order to Mr Santon that for the good manage- 

ment of this small revenue to y^ best advantage hee should not 
make any journey into the country on pretence of the King's busi- 
ness whereby to put him to charge, but that when any thing oc- 
curred hee should acquaint mee with it that I might order the 
sheriffs or Jutices of the Peace of the Place to take care of it. 
And alsoe went up to Albany myself on purpose to settle his Maty" 
business there where I made one Robert Livingstone Collecter® 
Receiver, with order to ace* w*"" @ pay into Mr Santer w* money 
hee sho^ receive for which he was to have 1" per Pound of all 
such moneys as should pass through his hands, ® alsoe made him 
Clerk of the Town that both places together might afford him 
a competent maintenance 

At Esopus one Thomas Garton was by Mr Santon made col- 
lecter <(^ receiver who as I find by Mr Saotons account had not 
accounted with him for these three years past. Upon wch I was 
forct to send an order of Council for his coming hither with his 
accts who when hee came gave in a scrole of paper containing a 
confused acct of about JE200. pretending that his accts together 
with a great deal of com @ Peltry by him collected @ received 
'for his Maty" customs excise @ Quit-Rents were burnt in his 
house so that all the council @ I could get from him for three 
years @ on half past was a bond of JE200. 

Since that I have set the Excise of that country alone to Mr 
Pawling sheriff for £1 10. 

As for the county of Richmond I have noe acct thereof, as your 
LoP" will see by the audit. 

And for the county of West Chester one ColKns is Collecter® 


P 'v«I 

I' r 

f ', I 

1'^ !• 

V , 

t. ) ■ 


GOV. domoam's bepoht on 

I j 


]'< j ,? ''S 

■J ' 

Receiver there, whoe (as your Lop" may likewise see by the au- 
dit) has not givtn any account— only this Mr Santen tells me (hat 
in Scpt"^ last hee took two bonds for money payable in March 
next which I look upon to bee nothing, @ all the Revenue of that 
County lost the man having hardly bread to put in his mouth 

The first year there was £52 offered for the Excise of Long 
Island, but I thought it unreasonable it being the best peopled 
place in this Goverm^ @ wherein theres great consumption of 
Rumm @ and therefore I gave commission to Mr Nicolls @ Mr 
Vaughton to gather it with whom I made this agreement that out 
of it they should have forty pounds, ® that they should account 
with Mr Santon for the' remainder. 

Since that for these two years past one Henry Fillkin has been 
Collector @ for his pains has a salary of £30 per ann. What 
returns he makes I referr to the audit most part of the people 
of that Island especially towards the East end are of the same 
stamp with those of New-England, refractory @ very loath to 
have any commerce with this place to the great detrm^ of his 
Maty revenue @ ruin of our merchants; To prevent which the 
aforementioned act of Assembly imposing 10 pr cent upon all 
such goods as should be imported from any colony where such 
goods were not produced passed, which was intended chiefly to 
hinder their carrying their oyle to Boston ® bringing goods from 
thence into this Goverm* 

They thought it a hardship to be obliged as formerly to come 
to this citty to enter ® clear ® on their application were allowed 
to have a port where I made Mr Arnold Collector @ Receiver, 
with order to be accomptable to Mr Santen — What returns he 
has given I likewise referr to the audit 

I allowed him for 3 years @ half past but JESS with which hee 
was well satisfied having had some Pquisits by Entrys @ clearing 
there Notwithstanding the desire of theirs was readily granted 
they refused to take our merchants money or goods @ carried 
away their Oyle private to Boston @ brought back goods from 
thence as formerly. Therefore with the advice of the Council I 
made an onier that all people before they goe there shall enter @ 
clear here and also I have bought a Bark that cruscth there with 

J! ,- 

TBB numncB or vbw-yobk.' 

167 f 

a master, two seamen a sergeant ® six soldiers from the Garrison 
for which the soldiers are allowed no more than their pay except 
a little provision more than their former allowance, the master ® ,, 
two seamen I have listed in the Company alsoe @ allow then, 
something more than soldiers pay 

As for the Dukes county ® county of Cornwall I refer to y* „ 
audit. What acct Mr Santen gives @ Judge Palmer whom I sent 
thither last spring @ has made his returns to Mr Santen among 
which theres an account of the seizure of wines and oyl made in, 
the county of Cornwall 

The first year I left every thing to the care of Mr Santon ^ ; 
what officers hee thought fit to put in, but afterwards finding « 
things ill managed I spake to Mr Santon several times, advising 
him as a friend to look better to the trust reposed in him 

What returns hee has made mee for my kindness I will pass by, ^ 
<^ say noe more of them than I am obliged to doe for my owq , 
vindication having nothing of ill will against him 

After the expiration of the year I desired him to bring in. his . 
accounts that they might bee audited which hee promised me from | 
time to time but in t»uch manner as was not fit for him for always , 
when I spoke to him of moneys ® accompt he flew into a pas- 

Upon which I ordered him that since hee had no better goyer- . 
ment of himself he should refrain from coming into my company 
Q^ after I frequently sent to him by the Sec]^ for hiff accompts 
who likewise met with the same dilatory answers. ^ Upon which 
I had him brovight before the council 3 or 4 times where he waf 
often ordered to bring in his accts but all to noe purpose for up-;, 
wards of a year together as y' Lop* may see by the time of the 
audit @ by the several orders of council herewith sent , 

At last when his accts came I shewed them to the council who 
were mightily surprised that for eighteen @ upwards the Revenue 
should amount but to £3000 @ odd pounds upon which J had 
them audited and thereby it was found that a great many frauds 
had been done to the King as your LoP" may see by the said 
audit @ the charge brought in ® proved against Mr Santon 

Then I desired him to put John Smith from the ojQEice of surveypc 




JI^B'ibRj' '. 

■.-■' ■•'f>' 





", ■ '^ ■ •'■ 




r- ! 

if' ' ■ 


i 1 


gov. xxmoAii'a bkfobt or 

•nd out of the custom house having the charity for mr Santon 
to believe that that man has cheated him as well as the King (I 
having had while in England this ill character of him from S' 
Benj" Bathurst that for his misbehavior he had been turned out 
of a good employment) But bee never wo'^ comply with it not' 
withstanding several orders of councill to that affect until I put 
in on Thomas Coker to bee surveyor, upon which Smith being 
concerned at losing his surveyors place, grew very insolent and 
put Mr Santon upon worse measures as is believed, for which @ 
other misdemeanors as y' LoP" may pceave by the Minutes of 
Council sent over by Mr Sprag he was turned wholly out of the 
Custom House 

In Hatlow (Serv* to Mr Santon) that was waiter and searcher 
he sent into England as I am informed to the commissioners of 
thee custom house for a commission to be collector for the enu- 
merated comoditys here, @ would force so much for his going 
@ coming as y' Lop* may see charged in his acct brought in to 
the audit ® likewise has brought in a note of his for four and 
twenty pounds odd money for going to the east end of Long Is- 
land in which he did not spend fourteen days time 

The Auditor finding noe cheque upon the collector his book- 
keeper being Surveyor called upon this Hatlow for his warrants 
who answered that bee had none or that if ever hee had any bee 
had left them in England 

Upon which I put in one Larken in his stead who upon an or- 
der in Council set up in the Custom House commanding noe goods 
to goe off without a warrant refusing to lett some goods bee ex- 
ported on the verbal order of Mr Santon only was by him turned 
out of that place as your Lop* will see by the aforementioned 
charge @ the proofs thereto 

After the audit of his first accts the others were demanded and 
with the same difficulty as the former obtained as j' LoP' may 
perceive by the said minutes of Council particularly the order for 
payment every Saturday which was occasioned thus The Council 
considering how dilatory Mr Santon was @ with what difficulty 
he would be brought to account being satisfied that Mr Santon 
was then behindhand in his paym*" ® that in process of time he 

, mig] 
hee £ 
As a 
have a] 
ready f 
for his 
his accor 
to leave ; 
of the Jei 
compts h( 
audited a« 
nntii I sht 
whom my 
Seeing s 
*o be who 
•^"ty @ he( 
'^al orders < 
have herew 
in such maj 

thereof here 
»wer @ ya 

™ade their r 

^op" sees bj 

therein ahh( 

«e»"v» to his 

^or him @ ad] 

acct (hat by 

^tter carriagl 

"" """"rat or HEw-TOM. ,„ 

night bee yet more me f„, .k 
^ ment of his M,.,. „ven„e they orEf ^ f ^""'"' ™'*^- 
bee should acet wiih @ payil ! ^ *™ ""' '"'■'^ &'"«!», 
preceeding „eek which „rameth7, T "' "' ''"' '*"'^«' "■« 
-ond Aodros with C«p,1^e?t .hf r n "*' """ "^S' *«- 
«ccas.oa .ho' this had oot the L eff^ " ^'" ""'"' ""= '»« 
A^ce, for as hee did wi.h JutZfV * ^"'*°» <««''«- 
took «„e notice of i, °"'" ""'"» '"«' did with (his hee 

^ alsoe there wms »-«„i 
<»- an his accts f™l .r^r^CrJ --."'"ng him .. 
ready for Mr Sprag t„ carry „^^ ^J^,T\lV' *•" "' ^""^ 
fc',1." passage i„ a shipVll h" 1 ? *'""""' "S"*' 

^o months pas,. But ih alUWst tTd "" ""' """""^ "■«« 
tending that by a letter fton, my W^ % """ """"P'*''"'^ ^«-- 
lus accomps were not to be aodfted h T"" '"' ""« »"»««■« 
'0 leave a duplicate with mel ? """ *"« "«» »"'? <*liBed 

0^ tie letter rg,^ te ir^^lJ^f ,"«= Council upon ^ 
•'•'"P's home but that neveXC t "r "^ '«"' "" - 

«.d,ted according to former in^c^L'l' "'^'''"^ '° "-e them 
""hi I should have ordera to tT T ® '°* '" """"nue to doe 
whom my Lord Treas„^" n v ^"^"^ '^™'° **' B'^U-wayt " 
-Po'sible for me totZlXS" "'"" " "'"^ ""'^'^ 

duty @ hee continuing 1, „ Tf . "^ "' ^™'™ «'«'='•»■«« hi. 
»■ orders of Councirfotim t:^' .! "T""'"'"' '° ""= ^ " 
kave herewith was drawn up gl t him . T.*'"'"'' ^' ^f 
» such manner as your LnT n '''""'" '""' »"sw„ed 

"-ereof herewith sent Un„?/ • "" 7 '''"-' °' "-e copy 
-" @ y proofs there"\re::r!i; """=" ^""^^ """ ■"■ 
made their report (o mee un.lrTh. TT """'' "'"^ '='"""=» . 
top- sees by ,ho copy there" "hfct" .'' '" """""^ ^' y" 
"kerein ahho' ,hey pUi": :J' ' f? 'T' ''"'"- '>"™i". 
•erv to his Mat, in rh^e m„„' IJm ' ?," •■" ''^'" "" ""^-"f-I 
for h,m ® adyised him to eiyet? . """"""■' >"=' » «nl 
«ct that by the audi, he Jas f Id k? i";"'' '"'"°""'= <>' "» 

^'er carriage for the rutr^VCh J^X »'• ^"''. '"'" "" 

^¥unee did I promised to pasa 

% w 


I i 






l! ■ 

4 , 

? . 

by all former faults @ make noe complaint against bim; I not 
only told him this myself but from time to time sent messages to 
him to this effect sometimes by such of the council as were his 
particular friends sometimes by the ministers @ often by the Se- 
cratary but all to noe purpose hee still continued obstinate 

And what returns hee made mee to these several instances of 
my kindness I shall not now trouble your Lop* with 

Nevertheless I forbare doing any thing further against hiiu till 
the expiration of the second audit proposing that then when I 
could know the whole amount of his debt I would at once doe my 
best to secure the Kings concerns from sustaining any loss by 

At last hee brought in a book without being signed and said he 
could not lieve them neither, they being to bee sent over to Mr 
Blathwayt Whereupon we were forct to give him 3 weeks longer 
to get them copied @ then with great adoe he signed them @ 
brought in with them an acct called a general acct| an acct so ex- 
travagant that your LoP" have hardly seen thee like '^>^ 

Then I pressing the auditors to make an end they desired that 
they might have his papers to compare with those books @ ao* 
comps he had delivered in, which by order of council hee was 
required to deliver to them. But hee refusing as appears by the 
testimony of 3 of the auditors herewith sent, It was ordered that 
his said papers should bee seized @ he suspended from the 8^ oi- 
fice of collector @ receiver till his Maty" pleasure should be 
known thereon @ hee taken into the Sheriffs custody and there 
remain till hee should give in such security as in the said orders 
is expressed as relation to the said orders had, may more at laige 
appear ?" » 

Upon search of the Pap's relating to his Mat7' revienue I found 
a charge drawn against myself with letters to his Mat7 Lord 
T'sear Lord Chancelor @ several other gentlemen stuft with com- 
plaints against me and other p'sons which are wholly false 

Indeed its true the poor gentleman since his coming, here haft 
been troubled with 3 or 4 hypocondriack fitts, hee was in one of 
Ihf m whtn his Ma^y nomination of the Council came over upon 
which they all thought it not convenient to have bim sworn it 



least ?' that time as your Lopp* will see by the minutes of coun- 

And my Lords to bee short I must cay this of him hes a man 
wholly unfit for business especially this wherein hee has noe more 
skill than a child, Soe that for the executing of it hee must have 
his whole depend&nce on another. I am sure it' I had not taken 
more care of the Revenue than .hee did since I found his failure it 
had been more embezled than it is for though hee received the 
money I was obliged to continual watching to guard against luf 
carelessness @ neglects 

And truly what hee takes very ill what there is neither, prent- 
dent nor establishment for 

In his commission hee hasallowedhimJC200p' annum the same 
adlowance that Dyer had in the time of S' Edmond Andros, xmT 
which j£100 was for the Surveyor Comptroller @ Wai,ter there- 
fore I finding no new establishment allow him no more than Pycgr 
had for him @ his officers Salary it beiag tlie sentiment of the 
Council that I could not alter the former practicewith which they 
were well acquainted But he gives himself a far laiger alldw^ 
ance hee will have it that his salary is sterling; @ to make it so 
of this country money he charges three @ thirty P' cent advance 
@ one hundred pound more for his two under officers, Beadcs 
this Mr Smith being his Deputy-Surveyor @ Book-^keeper^. hee 
would 'have allowance to him of £bO p^^ ann as his deputy j£40 P* 
ann as his accomptant J£30 P' ann for his transcribing ;hi^ boolfs 
JC20 P' annum P^^ his diet besides his salary for Surveyor, For 
John Harlow hee would have allowed JC30 P' ann as waiter, 
je48 Pr ann as being employed by. him in the Kings service where 
or how noe man Knows JS20 p^ aim for his Diet and jCI62. and 
two voyages made into England with despatches for his MatT all 
this ® a great deal more such for his officers iipi the country, @ 
the like your Lop* will see in his last general acc^ a copy whereof 
is herewith sent, 

Notwithstanding hee charges the King soe largely for lus offi- 
cers salaries, to some of them hee has paid nothing tat all, inso- 
much as they are making very great clamor for their money y (^ 
not getting it from him expect it from the King 


>^;- 't 

1 1 1 


'■ n 


V t 






i% . 


Of his own head hce bought a little rotten tool of a sloop on 
pretence for his MatJ* service, which as your LoP* may see by 
their audit, has stood the King in near j£700 ® now cannot be 
sold for thirty soe must either bee laid up or burnt 

In his instructions @ by several orders from me @ the council 
he was expressly forbid to trust out his Mat)" revenue notwith- 
standing I was forc't to take notes from him to the value of j£800. 
besides a great many more which hee pretends still to bee stand- 
ing out as your Loi* will perceive by the audit 

Hee has likewise been negligent in taking the bonds required 
by the laws of the Goverment from the masters of ships one ill 
consequence whereof has been the New York Pink has carried off 
several Elephants teeth without entry, @ the bond being inquired 
for there was none taken. How hee has behaved himself touching 
an Interloper that came in hither I have already given S' Benj. 
Bathurst an account, and as for the debts for him pretended to 
too the auditors upon enquiry the most of them are found to bee 
received by him. and I beleive of thee rest, the twentieth part 
will never be had, they are soe ill 

And besides notwithstanding his confused way of accounting 
% being without a cheque upon him as aforesaid, he is found by 
his own accounts brought into the audit to bee £1768. 15 shil- 
lings threepence and \^^* of a penny in debt to the King as your 
LoP* may see by the said audit which (as is to bee feared) is all 
gone besides his salary and pquisits, on which h6 might have 
lived very handsomely 

Hee (as hee hath all along done) does to all persons he con- 
verseth with speak scurrilously @ abusively of me @ y^ Council 
which considering his circumstances we let pass without taking 
any notice of , 

Hee is likewise very troublesome to the present management 
of his Maty customs 

I desire that as soon as may bee I may know what his Mat7' 
pleasure is should bee done with him, what ace* I have here given 
y LoPP" of him is as moderate as may bee farr short of what I 
might have represented ® yet have spoken nothing but the truth. 
What I have done has not been out of malice, for I beare non* 

to him r 
service ( 
LoPP« an 
this affaii 
Thus I 
in a great 
I shall th 
what chai 
to mee @ 
some time 
tioned, @ 
@ this abo 
to purchasi 
upon Huds 
Indians. ] 
south side t 
Indians foi 
Assembly a 
the Lord B 
Pen, comm 
this @ East 
tho' that la 
appear by i 
by the very 
got Mr Sanl 
In the me 
mate of the 
thereof here 
yearly for tl 
not at presc 
LoP« there 
persons oblij 
@ the judges 



to him rather pittyj but purely with an intent to doe his Ma*T 
lervice ® to secure his interest, as I doubt not will appear to y' 
LoPP' and if I bee to bee blamed for any thing in the Series of 
this affair its for too much forbearance 

Thus my Lords I have given you as good an account of the 
Revenue received, @ by whom as I can, as alsoe how the same 
in a great part of it has been mismanaged and by what meanes 
I shall therefore now proceed to give your Lopp^ an estimate of 
what charge the maintenance of this Goverm* has been hitherto 
to mee ® what will bee requisite for its further support 

Its a very hard thing upon mee that coming over hither in trouble- 
some times, finding noe revenue established @ yet having three 
garrisons to look after @ the forts in the condition before men- 
tioned, @ finding such contest between the Governm^ of Canada 
® this about the Beaver Trade the Inland Country @ the IndianSy 
to purchase, as I was obliged by my instructions, sixty odd miles, 
upon Hudsons River 17 or 18 into the land in one place from the 
Indians. In another place up the River 16 miles And on the 
south side of Long-Island twelve miles to give a great deal to the 
Indians for Susquehanna River to bee at great expences on the 
Assembly at their first sitting when they gave the revenue ® on 
the Lord Howard of Effingham when here with his train Governor 
Pen, commisioners from Boston @ other colonies, the Gov' of 
Connecticut East ® West Jersey, the running the line between 
this @ East Jersey and the like between Connecticut and this, 
tho' that last not yet finished besides the establishment as will 
appear by my books when audited ® sent over, which shall be 
by the very first conveniency, @ had been long ere now, had I 
got Mr Santens sooner done 

In the meantime y' LoP* may bee capable of making an esti- 
mate of the constant charge of the Goverm* by the calculation 
thereof herewith sent in which you see that there is set down 
yearly for the Council Judges @ Attorney General which tho' 
not at present allowed in my opinion with submission to your 
LoP« there is a necessity there should. The Councilors being 
persons obliged to a constant attendance from their own business 
® the judges Such as devote themselves wholly to that service ® 


GOV. domgan'^b repoht om 

f m 






whose present salary is see small to support theui (g) their 
familys in that station as is set forth in their petition which I have 
herewitli sent to his Matx for his consideration^ neither can the 
Attorney-generals small perquisites bee able to maintain him in 
going thro his Matr* concerns, which takes up his whole time, 
without the addition of such salary as his Matr shall think fitt to 

Your Loi** taking all this into y' consideration, cannot but 
think his Mat/ must be in debt, which however would not have 
been very much had Mr Santen done his duty 

What revenue there is is with the ease (§) satisfaction of the 
people ® paid without grumbling, tho' as much as modesty can 
bee put upon them 

Soe that if Connecticut bee not added to the Goverm* it can 
be hardly able to support itself. But if it bee added, thee reve- 
nue will bee sufficient to keep the King wholly out of debt 

Mr Santen taxes me with covetousness in not allowing suffi- 
diently to the officers employed. Niggardly I have not been, but 
the revenue being soe small (S) having soe great a charge, I en- 
deavored \o bee as good a husband for the King as T could I'm 
sure better than I ever was for myself. And truly I have been 
put soe to it to make things doe that what small pquisits I got, 
I have disburst, @ not only soe, but have been forc't to engage 
my credit soe far as t'would goe @ that not sparing to pawn my 
plate for money to carry on the Kings affairs @ now I have sent 
some of it home by Mr Sprag to reimburse Sr Ben Bathurst what 
hee has paid for mee, @ to provide clothes for the soldiers @ 
some things for my own use 

Anawer to Now My Lords before I proceed to answer the rest 
SuS^il.*" of your queries I will take occasion here to give your 
'*^' "• LoP" satisfaction as to those articles Mr Santer has been 
pleased to draw up against mee, a copie whereof I herewith send 
for y LoPP* perusal the scope of which being to charge me with 
mismanagement of his MatJ* affairs, I thought noe place more 
proper for my making appear the falsity of his accusation than 
here, wherein I have been soe long treating of the mismanage- 
ment of the revenue in which thia man himself had soe large a 

ibare, i 
proofs I 

^s to t 

tide is t 
taken be 

This i{ 
helles te 
never cap 
of the to\ 
he was a 
To the T] 
with any b 
f^or a shari 
of what w 
of Law or 
the Gov" ( 
token in thi 
make incun 
they should 
myself to t 
obligation a 
; .Hee does 
been a volui 
nJng to bee 
come along 
man @ out 

l! I I 



•barcy which answers follow distinctly with relation to such 
proofs as are herewith sent necessary for my vindication 

ifis to the FIRST Article — cmicerning a copartnership in a J)rad$ 

to France ffc 
For my justification ® making appear the falsehood of this ar- 
ticle is the testimony of Mr John Sprag ® Mr Gabriel Minvielle 
taken before Mr Swinton clerk of the Council hereunto annexed 

To the Second concerning a partnership in trade to Newfoundland 
This is noe less true than the other as appears by M>tjor Brok- 
helles testimony &c @ truly had I any such design I had not 
communicated with the Kings collector especially to a man of his 
disposition Oil subject to soe many follies @ infirmitys that he was 
never capable of concealing his own secrets from the very rabble 
of the town, ® always made the debates of the Council (while 
he was a member of it) the subject matter of his Tavern dis- 

To the Third concerning my going sharer with the Privateers 
Wherein hee does mee the honcr to join mee in partnership with 
privateers I dont believe that Frederick Flipson ever went sharer 
with any body in a shi[f @ I am sure Beekman never had a vessel 
r.or a share in a vessel In his life Had I harl 2 or 3 men^s shares 
of what was got upon the wreck I think it had been noe breach 
of Law or my instructions it being customary in such cases for 
the Gov" of plantations to have it. But Mr Santen too was mis- 
taken in this they did not clear for the wreck @ least they should 
make incursion upon the Spaniards I took security from them that 
they should not, in short for my justification on this point I refer 
myself to the testimonies of Frederic Flipson ® Beakman ® the 
obligation aforesaid herewith sent 

To the FpuRTH Copartnership with Mr AntUlfor Jamaica. 
: Hee does me wrong I never was concerned with Mr Antill in 
cqpartnership , One Vaughton half brother to Mr Sprag that had 
been a volunteer 2 or three years on board Capt" Temple,® hap- 
ning to bee in London when £ came away offered his service to 
come along with mee, whom finding a pretty ingenious young 
man ® out of ewiployment I promised to help lum with p 



! i ! 

■ I 









; n 




H ' Ut 


little mony. when hee stood in need of it for to put him into some 
way. Whereupon not long after this Antill purposed if he could 
get money from his brother or any other to purchase the half of t 
little ship tl jn tu bee sold hee would purchase the other @ that 
Vaughton should goe master of her upon which hee came to mee 
into the country where I then was ® ucquainted mee with y* pro- 
posal @) desired my assistMUce to enable him to comply with it. 
I demanded what security hee could give mee, hee proposed to 
make over his share in the vessel for it. Upon which in kind- 
ness to him I let him have the money @ took the vessel in secu- 
rity for it ® by him sent as a venture ten Barils of Oyle of a drift 
Whale that came to my share, (g) thirteen half Barils of Flower, to 
purchase Sugar Molasses Sweetmeats Oranges and other necessar- 
ries for use in my family. And this (as Mr. Santen knows as 
well a» I @ most of the town) was all the concerns I ever had 
with Antil 

To the FIFTH concemtng the Dogger 

This Mr Beekman having a Sloop went from this place to Nevis 
@ Sr William Stapleton hearing of a Dutch privateer gave him 
a commission to goe afler him, which hee did @ took a great 
ugly vessel y^ dutch have for fishing with one deck ® went back 
with ' her to Nevis. Whereupon S^ Vf"^ in reward of his good 
service gave him the Kings (§) his own share in her soe hee brought 
her hither where shee being a Dutch built ® and the man having 
a mind to sell her, had her condemned at a Court of Admiralty. 
Upon which I forgave him the Kings share which by apprizement 
amounted to as doth appear by Mr Beekman's testimony 

To the PixTH concerning Heathcot^s Sloop. 

Mr. Santen does me wrong in this for upon the word of a 
Christian, I know not at this minute who were the apprizers they 
having been appointed by the Court where the sloop ® goods 
were condemned, @ they too upon their oaths. Neither had I 
any a'lvantage by that vessel as Mr Santen knows tho' hee had by 
making George Hcathcot pay him ninty pound @ charges which 
was more than the third part of the condemnation came too soe 
that 1 hope this is not the voyage hee charges the King with soe 
much for, tho' it is the only remarkable one hee ever made ® 
yet but ten miles distant from this place 

To the 


to say tha 

to the bei 

here hee : 

admitted to 

bly @ my ( 

nution of h 

member wh 

ral orders li 

Mr Sante 
Gentleman i 
"any others 
notice thereo 
of the value 
one of the of 
fell a quarrel 
Vaughton ab( 
along with h; 
where when t 
dell who bein 
struggling 8ti 
in prison wh 
■^erwards th 
plication of _ 
others hee waj 
cii his goods 
which being 
rity to Riddeil] 
pounds withojL 

To the NINTH c\ 

^r Santen 
Council, all 
for all rents, 
not doe to ms 



To the SEVENTH concerning my Lord ^eill Campbells goods 

My Lord Neill Campbell its true desired my bill of store for 
the 10 F' cent Mrhich I did grant, but Mr Santen does mee wrong 
to say that I ordered they should bee entered without examination 
to the best of my remembrance there was noe such thing : but 
here hee forgets what hee has done himself what goods hee has 
admitted to entry without examination contrary to Act of Assem- 
bly @ my order as appears by his own books to the great dimi- 
nution of his Ma^y* revenue in this Province : neither does he re- 
member what bills of store hee has granted notwithstanding seve- 
ral orders to the contrary 

To the EIGHTH concerning one Riddell 

Mr Santen does mee wrong in this, One Mr Riddell a poor 
Gentleman that brought into this city without entry (as a great 
many others have done without Mr Santen or his officers taking 
notice thereof) a small parcel of linen afterwards appraised to be 
of the value of 3 or 6 pounds, And after that this Riddell ® 
one of the officers of the Custom House drinking drunk together, 
fell a quarrelling, on which the Officer went out @ meeting with 
Vaughton about one or two in the morning, compelled him to goe 
along with him to seize uncostomed goods at Riddell's lodging, 
where when they came they broke open the door upon this Rid- 
dell who being still drunk endeavoured to keep them out ® in the 
struggling stabbed Mr Vaughton. Whereupon he was secured 
in prison where hee lay a long time till Vaughton recovered. 
Afterwards the poor man being in a starving condition on the ap- 
plication of Mr Vaughton @ himself ® Mr Sprag ® several 
others hee was set at liberty, and on a petition of his to the Coun- 
cil his goods were ordered to bee released, hee paying all charges 
which being more than the value of the goods Mr Sprag in cha- 
rity to Riddell paid the Surgeons their demands which was ten 
pounds without taking any thing from him 
To the NINTH concerning Capt Santen^s warrants to the Sheriffs i^c 

Mr Santen knows himself that from time to time by order of 
Council, all the Sheriffs have been obliged to account with him 
for all rents, Quit rents ® arrearages of rent &c yet this would 
not doe to make himself seem great, hee would needs issue forth 




**. nir. * 1 

/ 1 

*» 7" 1 

4 . 


^ ■'!>. 

1' ' 




* *j 


* if^ 



• .1 

I i 

\ I 







his own warrants, which poor man was done in one of his fitts (4 
indeed they met with such reception as they deserved, the she- 
riis took noe other notice of them than to send them to mee 
Whereupon I being somewhat surprised at his manner of procee- 
dure called him before the Council where (being asked how he 
came to issue forth such warrants) his answer was that to his 
knouledge the Lord Treasurer did soe in England, But here I 
would ask Capt Santen why he hath not given a better account 
of Such Quit rents &c as have passed through his hands 
To the Tenth concerning my covetousness as he is pleased to term it 

Here (if Mr Santen speaks true in saying I have been covetous) 
It was in the management of this small revenue to the best advan- 
tage,® had Mr Santen been as just as I have been careful, the King 
had not been in debt, as I had more in my pocket than now I have 

It may be true when I called for the King's money @ accompts 
from Mr Santen @ I met with unbecoming returns I might use 
some passionat expressions 

And as for my pinching Officers if hee means himself it was 
because he took it very ill that I would not allow him 7 or 800 
pounds extravagant expenses, As for Frau. Barber I never spoke 
a word to him of salary in my life @ and leave it to the audit' 
what acct hee gives of the ilevenue of that County for three yean 
& on half 

To the Eleventh concerning the excise of Long Island 4rc 

What Mr. Santen says concerning the offer of JS52 for iiie ex- 
cise p' a year may bee true I thought it very unreasonable that the 
excise of three Countys should be farmed for soe little, therefore 
I fixed upon Mr. Vaughton @ Mr. Nicolls looking upon them to 
bee honest men @ agreed with them for j£20 P P' @ what thev 
could make over @ above they should deliver to Mr. Santen 
That Dan. Whitehead offered mee three pounds for my license it 
is false, or that I had JCIO, from Nicolls @ Vaughton is likewise 
false as doth appear by Mr Nicolls testimony @ would by that 
of Mr Vaughton were hee here Neither had I even any mony for 
licenses since I came into this Government except from Albany 
@ this place JC24, but on the contrary gave it all to the colleotors 
of the respective countys for their encouragement 




^:';t " 

To the TWELFE concerning Mr Pretty S,'C 
Mr. Pretty is Sheriflf of that County ©having a great deal of 
other concerns upon his hands for the King @ countreys service, 
that being a frontier County to Canada, soe that hee could not 
possibly attend the Surveyors place I put in William Shaw who 
had that place before in the time of S' Edmond Andros @ as 
Mayor Brockhelles informs us behaved himself faithfully therein. 
And as to his allegation in his memoranduma that Shaw war put 
in for satisfaction for two or three years pay due to him, it is 
wholly untrue as does appear by the testimony of Mayor Baxter, 
Mr Coker, @ by the receipt under Shaws own hand 
To the Thirteenth concerning the deprivaticn of the Officers Sfc 
This John Smith is a man that if hee were as honest as hee is 
able the King had had more justice done him @ Mr. Santen more 
moftey in his pocket. What account S' Ben Bathurst gave mee 
of him I have already acquainted y' Lopp* with, @ for what rea- 
sons hee was turned out of the Custom House is herein before 
given to your LoP*. ' i ' - ' •' * 

To the Fourteenth concerning the Pasture of Albany ffc 
As for this of the Pasture, he is mistaken, it was never yet in 
the King's hands, but hee that was the commander took some 
profits of it, which was a great grievance to the people it h&ving 
been patented by governor Nicolls to several people @ by them 
built upon whose buildings have been since carried away by the 
overflowing of the river. It does not contain above fifteen or six- 
teen acres. I doubt not but I shall make it appear that I have 
done nothing in this to his Maty prejudice I conceive I have done 
the King very good service in Albany. The town of Albany lyes 
within the Ranslaers Colony, and to say truth the Ranslaers had 
the right to it for it was they settled the place, @ upon a petition 
of one of them to our present King about Albany the petitioner 
wiis referred to his Matr* council at law who upon a perusal of 
the Ranslaers papers made their return that it was their opinion 
that it did belong to them Upon which there was an order sent 
over to S' Edmund Andros that the Ranslaers should be put in 
possession of Albany, @ that every house should pay some two 
beavers, some more some less according to their dimensions p' 

I I 


1 I 

i] j. 



1 1 ; . 



annum, for thirty years, @ afterwards the Ranslaers to put wliat 
rent upon them they could agree for — What reason S' Edmond 
Andros has given for not putting these orders in execution I know 

The Ranslaers came @ brought me the same orders which 1 
thought not convenient to execute judgeing it not for his Maty* 
interest that the second town of the Goverment @ which brings 
his Maty soe great a Revenue should bee in the hands of any parti- 
cular men The town of itself is upon a barren sandy spot of land, 
® the inhabitants live wholly upon trade with the Indians. By 
the meanes of Mr James Graham Judge Palmer @ Mr Cortlandt 
that have gr^at influence on that people I got the Ranslears to re- 
lease their pretence to the town @ sixteen miles into the country 
for commons to the King with liberty to cut firewood within the 
Colony for one @ twenty years. After I had obtained this release 
of the Ranslaers I passed the patent for Albany wherein was in- 
cluded the afore mentioned pasture, to which the people appre- 
hended they had so good a right that they expressed themselves 
discontented at my reserving a small spot of it' for a garden for 
the use of the Garrison 

That the people of Albany has given me JC700. is untrue I am 
but promised JE300, which is not near my P'quisits, viz, ten shil- 
lings for every house @ the like for every hundred acres patented 
by me, established by a committee appointed by the Assembly 
for the establishing of all fees, where Cap* Santen may remembei 
himself was chairman, Alsoe what they have given to those othei 
Gentlemen I know nothing of it @ upon my word in Gen^ I have 
not got the fourth part of my Pquisits, chusing rather to wan' 
them than take from the poor people that cannot spare it 
To the Fifteenth concerning a farm at East Jersey belonging tt 

his Mati fyc 

Mr Santen might have given a better account of this if his 
malice had suffered him The Farm at East Jersey paid dSlO, p' 
annum to his Maty @ at a Rack-rent, the proprietors of East 
Jersey putting us to more trouble than the value of it, they con- 
stantly disturbing the Tenants on pretence that his MatT had 
granted that to them, soe that I conclude it would be more 

mer ha\ 
the sumi 
forgive i 
title, I g 
Mr Sai 
meers @ ] 
before het 
not bee gr 
that it was 
Secry« offio 
the Survey( 
the Inhabit! 
turning this 
was passed 
hee adjoins 
the Hempsfc 
otherwise, f 
into possess! 
to commenci 
pended, Pea 
ivail him, si 
being frighte 
such thing ft 
nagement of 
the lands beii 
its noe pasturi 
a plain of up 
stick upon it ( 
'think himself 
give him £2Q( 

14 ■. ^"^ X l«f^ 



inconvenient to keep it than to part with it. Therefore Judge Pal- 
mer having an interest in East-Jersey @ an influence with the 
Governor there, on his giving mee his obligation to pay as a fine 
the summ of X60. to the King in case hee should not think fit to 
forgive it @ the rent of twenty shillings p' ann. @ to defend the 
title, I gave him a lea..e of the Reversion of it 

To the SixTKEHTH concerning Rockaway JSTeck 8^c ,J 

Mr Santen poor man neither understands his own nor others 
concerns, hee was one of the Council himself when Cap* Palmer 
petitioned for licence to purchase this land, lying without the 
meers @ bounds of Hempsted @ when the same was granted, @ 
before hee had his patent granted, the people of Hempstead were 
summoned to appear to show cause, if they had any why it should 
not bee granted. Thereupon one person came to mee @ told meci 
that it was his land @ that it was within the meers @ bounds of 
Hempstead on which I ordered him to put a Caveat into the 
Secry* office against the passing of Judge Palmers patent, and then 
the Surveyor went to survey the lands accompanied by some of 
the Inhabitants o^ Hempsted, to show him their bounds who re- 
turning this lands to bee without their meers @ bounds the patent 
was passed in which Capt" Palmer is expressly bounded where 
hee adjoins to Hempsted by their line. And, wherein hee sayB 
the Hempsted people were frighted to let their Suits fall, its quite 
otherwise, for this Pearsall, upon the granting of this Patent got 
into possession of this land, inasmuch as Judge Palmer was forcet 
to commence suits against him Where after it had sometime de- 
pended, Pearsall finding that to insist on his pretence would not 
avail him, suffered judgement to goe against him, and as for his 
being frighted into it by Capt" Palmers being Judge, there's noe 
such thing for on purpose he withdrew himself @ left the ma- 
nagement of that Court to his Collegue Judge Nicolib and as for 
the lands being the only pasture of the town its wholly false for 
its noe pasture at all, being all woodland, and tliat town having 
a plain of upwards of 40,000 acres of good pasture without a 
stick upon it @ as for its value I beleive Judge Palmer would 
'think himself obliged to Cap* Santen or any others that would 
give hira JE200. for it. 


'8 } \ 

\% ■> 


GOV. oongan's report on 

To the Seventeenth concerning Mr Chrahams insinuation 

Mr Santen is in the right that Mr Graham is Attorney-general @ 
supervisor of all Patents @ soe made upon Mr Rudyard's going 
from this place to Tarbadoes @ is a person understanding in the 
law, it being his whole business Wherefore I thought it not fit to 
pass any patents without his perusal least I might doe prejudice to 
the King. Its likewise true that I have called in former patents 
@ still continue to doe so, that I might see by what Tenure they 
hold their lands, which I find generally to be by none, they pay- 
ing noe acknowledgement to the King, Whereupon being con- 
vinced of that defect by the resolution of y* Judges the people 
for their own <ase @ quiet @ that of their posterity which other- 
wise might have fallen under the lash of succeeding GovernoFS, 
without the least murmuring have renewed their patents with a 
reservation of a certain Quit-Rent to the King to the noe small 
advancement of his Revenue, @ this done with general satisfac- 
tion @ of which none will in the least complain but on the con- 
trary express themselves thankful for it 

Mr Santen sure when hee wrote this article ag|inst mee did not 
consider the obligation that was upon us both to advance the Kings 
interest in our several stations, far less how inconsistent it was 
with his office to bee the only pson aggreived at the advancement 
of his Mat7* revenue, when the people themselves that are con- 
cerned are not only satisfied but pleased with it 

Again hee forgets that hee was a member of the Council when 
they gave it for their opinion that those former patents were in- 
sufficient @ and were then dayly consenting to the passing of new 
ones. As for sums of mony exacted I own I have received J£200 
from Ranslaer, but its nothing to what my perquisits would have 
amounted to according to the aforementioned regulation bee hav- 
ing a vast tract of Iwd ' V ' 

From Hempted I rec^ one hundred pound by forty ® that in 
Cattle which is far less than my pquisits they having upwards of 
100.000 acres, I own alsoe I have received J£300 from the citty 
of N«w York, @ have granted them nothing more than what 
they had from my predecessors^ @ is now before his MaU for a 


is the I 

taken frc 

what use 

their selli 

And as ft 

• I was nei 

could not 

never amo 


£■1* Santen* 
Mcni'diung a 

complain a 
bave to say 

Cobbyi Ship 

Kings share 
which was 1 
as appears I 

Merrim honio 

rent as Capt 
to drop dow 
n^Fum At 
showed him 
that his Royi 
both the fam 
tbis place 

Ooker'* Bona* 

80 considerab 

it) therefore ] 

to Capt Santc 

credit There 

12 or 15 poi 

King in Capt 

p'son in town 

Cokers is noi 



The land that Mr Santen complains of to bee such a grievance, 
is the Dock which the town at their own proper charge have 
taken from the sea, @ dayly are at vast expense to maintain, & 
what use they make of it is not my business to inquire, but as to 
their selling to the value of JE1500 for my use is wholly false, 
And as for those other sums of 50, 30 @ 20 pound, its not soe. 
I was never covetous to take from the poor people what they 
could not well spare, the Secratary is my witness, but if I had it 
never amounted to my pquisits, according to the regulation afore- 

Auwer to Besidcs the charge herein before answered were found 
Mem*diuni several memorandums of what Mr Santen intended to 
complain against me. Among which there being some things not 
mentioned in the said charge, the same as I presume not being 
perfected, I presume furthur to trouble your LoP* with what I 
have to say therein in my vindication 

cobbyi shjp I am sorry Mr Sant^en has not a better memory. The 
Kings share of Cobbys Ship came by apprizement to £19 7* 6^ 
which was by Judge Palmer paid into Capt" Santens own hands 
as appears by the testimony of Capt Palmer 
Merrim honso As to Mr Merritts house it does not pay soe much 
rent as Capt Santen pretends @ is too quite out of repaire, ready 
to drop down . • m . . 

The Farm And as to the Farm hee might have remembered that I 
showed him a letter from S' B Bathurst wherein was intimated 
that his Royal Highness now his Maty was pleased I should hare 
both the farm ® the house during the time of my government of 
this place 

ooker't Hoiw For Coker's house I am glad Capt° Santen has found 
so considerable a rent, for my part I never received a peny for 
it, therefore I shall now charge JE72, more, being four yeares rent 
to Capt Santens account for which he has not yet given the King 
credit There was a cooper liv'd in the next house to it and paid 
12 or 15 pound p' ann for which I find no credit given to the 
King in Capt Santens books, since the cooper left the poorest 
p'son in town would not live in it it being ready to drop down (^ 
Cokers is not in a better condition, soe bad they are that its a 

:i \ 

pp. M 


'■; ! 







wonder to every body that they stand yet, in soe much that when 
Dr Junes brought me my Lord Middletons order to let him have 
tl]Lcm @ I showed them to him hee would not live in them 

Two or three years agoeS' John Worden sent me an order to give 
a long lease of them to any that would take it, I have not met with 
any such person @ I am sure if rebuilt by the King, it will not 
give him the interest of his money @ Merritts house is in the 
same condition, as appears by the return of a Survey made by 
some of the Council and Carpenters sent to view it ' 

Antuis buainew As for the business between Mr Santen @ Mr Antill 
its a thing soe scandalous that I will not trouble your LoP" with 
an account of it, only this I'll say that Mr Antill sent severall to 
him jind I spake to him myself to let him know that Mr Antill 
would be satisfied with an acknowledgement that hee had done 
him wrong in speaking those scandalous words @ that it was the 
effects of drink. But Mr Santens pride was such that hee would 
not doe it, but continued to justify what hee had said. Where- 
upon Mr Antill took out the execution against him (he not being 
then of the Council) but before the serving sent him y« like 
message as before with the same effect whereupon the execution 
was served 

Larkini Cue As for Larkins case I refer to the orders of Council 
herewith sent 

And as for the Kings concerns going in a right channel I am 
sure they never can where he has powers. As for desiring a list 
of his Maty Quit-Rents @ my denying it to him, its wholly untrue 
for he has a book with an acct of all the Quit- Rents that then 
were to bee found mentioned in the records of Patents kept in 
the Secretarys office, which I caused Coker to draw out on pur- 
pose for him ; ■ f/ ^ 

Smith kept the key of the Granary @ what corn I received for 
my own use or thf use of the Garrison was taken out by Coker 
@ it was shown to Mr Smith where I gave credit to the King for 
it in my books. Afterwards finding that Santen gave no credit 
to the King for what corn came into the Granary I took the key 
from Smith @ gave it to James Larkens with order to him to give 
receipts for what should bee brought in @ to give an account of 
it to Smith that hee might enter it upon the books 

C^M Palmer 
Mr Ja Gralia: 

those em 
attorney : 
must neec 
in the adv 
their utmc 
w by the ] 
@ such ot 
merly ther 
opinion of 
the Judge i 
As for si 
against the 
<Iear @ ent 
ticeofit, ti 
casion to sei 
bee only ms 
Maty* furth( 
shewing me< 
ther since, 
And had 
gone, @ for 
Mr Santen 
goods going 
without entrj 
■ there, hee an 
cers taking n 
fell excusing 
happened I r« 
were then w. 
As for Wo( 
the account g 
The negro-i 
anything sinct 
consent of the 
The ship C 
to allege agaii 



CM>tP*imerft Hee (locs Judgc Palmer® Mr Graham wrong for 
Mr Ja Graham ^jjgy jy.g psons look't upon by the Council as fittest for 
those employments they are in, viz. Palmer Judge @ Graham 
attorney for the King, And if Mr Santen would speak truth he 
must needs say they both have been very serviceable for the King 
in the advancement of his Revenue, @ that they still continue with 
their utmost endeavors soe to bee And though their way of living 
18 by the law, yet their management has been such by arbitration 
@ such other mild courses that were there was ten actions for- 
merly there is not one now. And the Council had soe good an 
opinion of Capt" Palmer that hee was thought the fittest to bee 
the Judge of y« court for the Kings afiairs 

As for sloops &c going from this to Newfoundland, if it, was 
against the act of navigation hee did ill to admit soe many to 
dear @ enter to @ from thenc» without soe much as taking no- 
tice of it, till hee @ Major Brockhelles falling out, hee took oc- 
casion to seize his sloop, which the Coundl @ I looking upon to 
bee only malicious discharged taking security from him till his 
Maty* further pleasure were known Mr Mayne coming here @ 
shewing mee his instruction, noe vessel has gone from hence thi- 
ther since, 

And had I not relyed soe much upon Cap^ Santen none had 
gone, @ for his sake Pll not trust to another soe much again 

Mr Santen was in the right I was angry to find a cart-load of 
goods going ofif the bridge after shutting up the Custom House 
without entry @ demanding of the man how long they had been 
there, hee answered from seven in the morning, without any offi- 
cers taking notice of them. Upon my speaking to Mr. Santen he 
fell excusing his officers @ gave mee ill words. What thereupon 
happened I refer to My Lord Neal @ Mr Mayne's testimonies that 
were then w:lnes!i<3s of it 

As for Woolsford's case I have already referred your LoP» to 
the account given thereof to S' Benjamin Bathurst. 

The negro-story I refer to the record herewith sent I never did 
anything since I came into the government without the advice @ 
consent of the Council 

The ship Charts was cleared upon trial Mr Santen had nothing 
to allege against her 

1 s 







GOV. domoan's befobt on 

•i ' ' 


The sloop Lancaster is the same with that of Gov. Heathcot be- 
fore mentioned 

The Boat of D'Morez was condemned for going to the Mill 
with Com without the Govemm^ @ seized by Capt Santen 

The Sloop Fortune was condemned @ my own share as well as 
the King« forgiyen, the poor man having done what he did inno- 

The Sloop Lewis came from Pettiquaves, @ brought here some 
of our people who had been taken by the Spaniards, in going to 
Jamaica with provisions @ had fled to Pettiquavcs @ the sloop 
coming hither the master sent up word from Sandy Hook that hee 
would willingly come @ live here which I willingly giranted him 
liberty to doe, ® in consideration of his service in bringing home 
our people I forgave the Kings @ my own part in the sloop after 
shee was condemned with the proviso that if his Matr did not ap- 
prove of it hee should pay that share according to appraizement 
for which Bond was accordingly taken, bs will appear to y Loi** 
by the attested copie herewith sent In short all that Fll say, bee's 
fitter for a retired life, than to bee the Kings Collector 
^ _ To the three fy Twentieth 

unmake toneh- The answcr thereof is referred to the next 

In answer to the tenth if four ® Twentieth querie 
wkatymu. Every Town ought to have a Minister New York has 
JS?to"°"' first a Chaplain belonging to the Fort of the Church of 
England ; Secondly, a Dutch Calvinist, thirdly a French. Calvin- 
ist| fourthly a Dutch Lutheran — Here bee not many of the Church 
of England; few Roman Catholicksj abundance of Quakers 
preachers men ® Women especially ; Singing Quakers, Ranting 
Quakers ; Sabbatarians ; Antisabbatarians ; Some Anabaptists 
some Independents ; some Jews ; in short of all sorts of opinions 
there are some, and the most part of none at all 
The Gkwoh The Great Church which serves boUi the English % 
the Dutch is within the Fort which is found to bee very inconve- 
nient therefore I desire that there may bee an order for their build- 
ing an other ground already being layd out for that purpose <3) th«y 
wanting not money in Store wherewithall to build it 
, The most prevailing opinion is that of the Dutch CaWiniftl 

profess, bi 

of their SI 

Every 1 

which mai 

nor Idle P< 

But as fc 

Island @ ot 

make them 

\\ '^ 


Secretary's oj 
dros whereby 
^^^ Salisbi 
Mat^ know h< 
without the s 
«w»e soldiers 
^eep pos^essio 
Seabrook but ^ 
of men then 
whonv they we 
Much less it 
tlwii in the tim( 
sequently the I 
the Beaver, be 
have been a vei 
hart these from : 
Weighing thi 
will bee graciou 
Centre of all JK 
have been more 
upon all occasioi 
Likewise I ai 
«ny Instructions, 



To the Jive and twentieth 
nui eewH, '* " ^^ endeavour of all Psons here to bring up their 


children @ servants in that opinion which themselvei 
profesS) but this I observe that thty take no care of the conversion 
of their Slaves. 

Every Town @ County are obliged to maintain their own poor, 
which makes them bee see careful that noe Vagabonds, Beggars, 
nor Idle Persons are suffered to live here 

But as for the Kings natui-al-born-subjects that live on long- 
Island ® other parts of the Government I find it a hard task to 
make them pay their Mii)isters. 

', ' * Tho. Dongak. 

My Loiu>s ' , V 

Sinoe my writing of this, on Perusal of some Papers in tha 
Secretary's office, I found some Memorandums of Sir Edmond An- 
dros whereby I understand that in the year 167| hee sent hom« 
Gopt? Salisbury for England to let his Royal Highness now his 
Ma*7 know how impossible it was, for this Government to subsist 
without the addition of Connecticut. And hee himself went with, 
some soldiers to surprise them, intending when hee had done it to 
keep pos^esfflon by a Fort hee designed to make at a place* called 
Seabrook but was prevented by the opposition of two Company's 
of men then lodged there ready to goe out ag** the Indians irith 
whom, they were in Warr < 

Much less it can subsist now without it, being at more expeiMi 
tluin in the time of Sir Edmond @ having lost Delaware @ soe otm- 
sequently the Peltry Trade which is not much inferiour to that of 
the Beaver, besides much Quit-rents @ the Excise which would 
ha,vje been a very considerable Revenue And too, what helps, hee 
had, thes« from East @ West Jersey. 

Weighing this with the reasons aforementioned, I hope his Ma^7 
will bee graciously pleased to add that Colony to this which is the 
Centre of all His Dominions in America. And the people thereof 
have been more inclined to his Ma*'* service and have expressed 
upon all occasions more Loyalty than any other of these Parts 

Likewise I am to give y' Lo^' an account that since I received 
my Instructions, I caused a Vessel which came to Amboy to come 




)■■■ ' 



■i. ; 


tsoY. donoan's bepobt on 

hither (3) enter-i— It being the opinion of the Council, that II wii 
both agreeable to my Instructions and formtr practise especially in 
the time of Sir Edm<> iindros 

Pentiivank I am now informed that the people of Pensilvania have 
had last year from the Indians, upwards of 200 packs of Beaver 
down to the Skonshill ® will have more this, as I have reason to 
believe, which if not prevented, his Ma*^ must not expect this 
Oovernm^ can mamtain itself, besides that it will wholy depopulate 
both this Town @ Albany 

One Rogers the Weighmaster being found indebted to the' King 
in j£190-17--^ I demanded the . mony from him to which hee re- 
turned for answer ; that he was Mr. Santen's servant @ would live 
@ die by him @ would not pay it without his order. On which an 
Extent was made out against him @ hee taken thereupon ® put 
into Prison j Where after many endeavors of Mr Saten to the con- 
trary as will appear by the Minutes of Council hee at last paid 
JC140 of it which I was willing to take rather than lose the whole 

I am afraid wee shall not have soe good an account of the rest of 
the debts 

Being informed that Mr Smith has never accounted with Mr 
Santen'@ having the opinion of Capt° Palmer @ Mr Graham that 
he is accountable to the King at least for soe much of the mony as 
hee has received to his own use on pretence of Salary without any 
authority for the same. I have caused him to be arrested in an ac- 
tion of account at his Ma^ suit, upon which hee lies a prisoner to 
answer it at the Court appointed for the management of his Ma''* 

Mr Santen since his commitm* hath been soe unruly @ abusive 
to mee and the Council that in our own defence. Wee are force'tto 
send him home, threatning us vnth Chains at least for what wee 
have done. 
counciioM The names of y» Councilors 

Major Anthony Brockhells 
Frederick Flipson 
Stephen V Courtlandt 
John Spragg 
Gervis Baxter 

T -»- 





The Council thought fit not to give Mr. Santen bis oath as ap- 
pears by the Minutes of Council 

John Young had his oath given him but hee lives 160 miles from 
this, @ has no estate of his own and very old, that it is a thing im- 
possible for him to serve 

There being a clause in my Instructions wherein I am limited 
not to act without five, therefore Mr John Spragg @ Major Jervis 
Baxter going for England, and there not being a sufficient number 
to make a quorum, I have by Yertue of a clause in my letters Pa- 
tents, impowring mee in case of absence out of the Goverment 
death or Suspension to add of the principal Freeholders) given the 
oath to Judge P^vlmer and Nicolas Bayard the present Mayor to serve 
in the Council until his Ma*^ pleasure be known 

And whereas there is a clause in my Instructions to send over the 
names of six persons more fitt to supply the vacancy of the Coun- 
cil six of the fittest I find in this Government are as followeth 
Mathias Nichols Judge 
James Graham 
William Smith 
Gabriel Minvielle 
\ Francb Rumbouls 
Major Nicolas Demyre 



> 'H 





. I, 

If ' 


^.'. . • 


f ^ "'^' 

il1 ^^ 

'1^ '- 




ht< > 

^^' r 


' 1 




* • 




3fi. be f monmlk'B f x^ieMtion 

<♦ ' :*•'■- 



I ! 

H .- 



His prin 

Colony by 

rable he m 

nois and the 

by a firm ai 

they will hs 

conditions \ 

He will, I 

his power tl 

taouacs, Mi 

deem it proj 

dition again! 

in his regard 

ing well pers 

his experienc 

to a speedy c 

He ought \ 

has pretendec 

mination evei 

the whole ex 

though HisM 

he has made 

to his Comma 


ought to do ei 

the French an( 

appearance, n 

:'■ ' " ' 

^w^ ■ 

, . 

''l':^- ' 

, ', 

' I'i 

}■ 'V , I,; 

' >" 


[Pari* Doc. III.] . ^ . - 

His principal object ought to be to establish the reposb of the 
Colony by a firm and solid peace. But to render this peace du- 
rable he must lower the pride of the Iroquois, support the Illi- 
nois and the other allies whom Sr de la Barre has abandoned, and 
by a firm and vigorous policy to let the said Iroquois know that 
they will have every thing to fear if they do not submit to the 
conditions which he intends to impose on them. 

He will, then, first declare to them that he shall protect with all 
his power the allies of the French ; inform the Illinois, the Ou- 
taouacs, Miamis and others of the same thing, and should he 
deem it proper to back this declaration by troops and an expe- 
dition against the Senecas, His Majesty leaves it to him to adopt, 
in his regard, such resolutions as he shall deem most suitable, be- 
ing well persuaded that he will follow the best course, and that 
his experience in war will place him in a position to bring that 
to a speedy conclusion if he be obliged to undertake it. 

He ought to be informed that the Commandant of New York 
has pretended to aid the Iroquois and to extend the English do- 
mination even to the bank of the River St. Lawrence and over 
the whole extent of Country inhabited by those Savages. And 
though His Majesty doubts not but the King of England to whom 
he has made representations by his Ambassador, will give orders 
to Ids Commandant to put a stop to these unjust pretensions, he, 
notwithstanding, considers it necessary to explain to him that he 
ought to do every thing to maintain good understanding between 
the French and English : Yet should the latter, contrary to every 
appearance, rouse the Savages and afford them succor, he must 



^ I 



denonville's expedition to the 

act towards them as towards enemies, when he finds them in the 
Indian Country, without, however, attempting any thing in the 
countries under the King of England's obedience. 

I' -H I 






• V' ■ [London Doe. v.] 

From Onnontagu^, 10 Sept. 1685. 

My tjord — I had the honour not long since to write to you — 
it was last month ; since the despatch of my last letter, the Sene- 
cas who were desirous to make trouble and to persuade the Mo- 
hawks and other villages to unite with them against Mons' de la 
Barre, have changed their minds ', since they were assured that 
the peace concluded last year, as you desired, should not be bro- 
ken by M. de la Barre, as they were maliciously told, and as a 
hundred false reports which are never ceased being related would 
persuade them. To complete successfully what you have so well 
begun, it only remains to exhort the Senecas to add a few more 
peltries to the ten beavers and thirty otters which they left in 
deposit with the Onnontagu4s to satisfy M' de la Barre, as you 
recommended them to do last year. Let your zeal for the public 
peace, and especially for the Christians of this America induce 
you, if you please, to put the finishing hand to this good work 
and to recommend the Senecas and other villages not to attach 
credit to the new floating rumors, since it is true that the Gov' 
of Canada desires with all his heart that all things should be quiet 
and to second your just intentions. The Onnontagu^s and those 
who are of their opinions, have operated powerfully on the minds 
of the said Senecas to induce them to resume thoughts of peace, 
as well as Mr Arnout, bearer of this letter, who was present at 
what was done and said ; and who can inform you, and from 
whom you will be glad to receive his report. 

Since peace, through your care, vnll aparently last, we shall 
continue to carry the Christian faith through this Country, and to 
solicit the' Indians, whom you honor with your friendship, to em- 
brace it as you yourself embrace it, for this is the sole object that 



has caused us to come here, that the blood of Jesus Christ, shed 
for all men, may be useful to them, and that His glory may be 
great throughout the earth. 

If you will please to honour me with a line from your hand, 
you can have your letter given to one named Garakonti^ who is 
deputed from the Onnontagues to repair to the Diet which you 
have convoked at Albany. Do him the charity to exhort him to 
be a good Christian, as he was whose name he bears, and who was 
his brother. Recommend him I beseech you not to get drunk 
any more, as he promised when he was baptized, and to perform 
the duties of a Christian. One word from you will have a won- 
derful effect on his mind, and he will publish throughout that it 
is not true- that the English forbid them to be Christians since 
you who command them will have exhorted them to persevere 

I pray God, who has given us the grace to be united in the 
same Catholic fsdth, to unite us also in Heaven ; and that he may 
heap his graces on you here on earth, is the wish of him who is 
perfectly and with all manner of respect, My Lord, 
Ycmr very humble and ■ 

' '-' ' '^ very obedient servant, ; i ',. , ' 
^ ' ^' Jean DE Lamrervuxe, -' 

of tJie order of Jesuits, (called in Indian, Teiorhensert.) * 

Oblige me, I request you, to have the enclosed sent to its ad- 

Please, My Lord, pardon me the liberty which I take to pre- 
sent my humble respects to the Governor of Virginia, who is 
called among the Indians, Big Sword or Cutlass, who I learn is 
with you at Albany, to whom, some time t^o, I caused to be re» 
stored an Englishman named Rolelman, whom these Indians here 
had plundered and captured and whom I took into my hut to save 
him from the fury of some refractory people and from those who 
wovld make him their slave. It is the least service I would de- 
are to render him. ,.„..,., , , 

' I, '*. 1 


dbnontille's expedition to ths 


81 I '•• 


COUNTRY. 12 NOVEMBER 1685. {ExtrCCt.) 

[Pari! Doc. III.] 

The most to be feared is the Iroquois who are the most pow- 
erful in consequence of the facility with which they obtain arms 
from the English and the number of slaves they make daily 
among their neighbours by carrying away at an early age their chil- 
dren, whom they adopt ; this is the only means of their increase, 
for thro' their debaucheries of Brandy which lead them into fright- 
ful disorders, the few children their women raise could not of 
themselves assuredly sustain them, if they did not make prisoners. 

The great trade in arms and ammunitions at a low rate, among the 
English has given them hitherto that advantage which they have over 
other nations who in order to be disarmed have been destroyed by 
the former who are all of them insolent. Even the English in 
Virginia have suffered and still suffer from them every day ; but 
the interest of the trader at Orange and Manatte supersedes 
the public interest, for if they would not sell them powder, that 
nation could be more easily conquered than any other. It consists 
of five principal villages, each of which have other smaller ones 
dependant on them ; the first is called Anni6 (Mohawk) which 
can furnish two hundred men fit for service and are ten leagues 
from Orange (Albany) j the second is Oneyoust (Oneida) which 
can furnish one hundred and fifty men at from 15 to 20 leagues 
from Anni4 ; the third is Onontagu^ which could bring out three 
hundred men, ('tis one hundred leagues from Montreal); the 
fourth is Goyoguoain (Cayuga) which could put two hundred men 
a-foot, at twelve leagues from Lake Ontario, and the Sonoutou- 
ans (Senecas) the fifth, who comprize, as it is reported, twelve 
hundred men bearing arms, at five leagues South of the Lake. 

The Senecas being the strongest, are the most insolent. The 
idea must not be entertained that this Nation can ever be reduced 
except by being in a position to pounce on them j which cannot 
be done without approaching them, occupying some posts where 



provisions can be placed for the troops vrho will be sent after 
them. To accomplish this sufficiently apropos without being per- 
ceived by the enemy, in consequence of the navigation of the 
river, which is full of Rapids and Cascades, impassable except 
by portages, indepmdant of the distance — herein consists all the 
care and difficulty. 

The post of Catarokuy appears to me the most advantageous, 
by placing it in a better state of defence than it is. It is at the en- 
trance of Lake Ontario from the extremity of which the Senecas 
are distant only five or six leagues, in a beautiful country towards 
the South. 

The position of this fort is sufficiently favorable to secure the 
barks against the storms and the attacks of the Indians at a tri- 
fling expense which will require to be made on it. The passage 
to be made through this lake is forty or fifty leagues before dis- 
embarking near the Senecas. The three barks at Catarokuy will 
be particularly useful in this enterprize by putting them in repair, 
for they have been much neglected. 

It appears to me extremely important that the King render 
himself absolute master of this Lake, which is more than three 
hundred leagues in circumference. I am persuaded that the Eng- 
lish would like particularly to have a post there, which would be 
immensely prejudicial to the Colony and the King's power on 
this Continent ; his Majesty could easily make himself master of 
it, without any opposition, by the permanent establishment of a 
post, with vessels on this lake, and by another fort and vessels on 
lake Erie which is only two leagues distant, by the Niagara Ri- 
ver, from this lake Ontario ; but as this post cannot be established 
until after the Iroquois are conquered, I shall, before entering 
into a detail of the means of conquering that Nation, again say, 
regarding the importance of occupying those posts, that the Eng- 
lish have so great a facility to establish themselves there that it is 
the power of the Iroquois alone which has prevented them having 
posts there, since Lake Ontario can be easily reached on horse- 
back from Manatte and Orange, there being a distance of pnW 
one hundred leagues through a fine country. '^r ; •? 

1 J 

m 1- 

I I 












The importance of the post to be occupied on lake Crie i^ 
easily perceived^ since we can easily go in vessels from that lake 
to Missilimakina which would be a great facility for the trade of 
the country, to keep the Outaouacs in check and in obedience to 
the King ; besides, we should have the means of reaching through 
this lake the Illinois, and surmount by this communication with 
ships many of the difficulties experienced in the Rivers in conse- 
quence of the number of portages. Being masters of these two 
lakes and cruizing there with our vessels, the English would lose 
the Beaver trade in that quarter, of which they have abundance. 

A durable peace with the Iroquois Indians would be more ad- 
vantageous to the Colony than prosecuting a war ; but this Nation 
has assumed such exeesiuvely insolent and haughty airs towards 
all the other tribes against whom they wage war and at whose 
expense they daily increase ; and joined to that, the odds they 
have had from a (^ladvantageous peace concluded last year with 
ua, has placed them in a position that, we may foe assured, they 
will break with us on the first opportunity. It is yet more certain 
that if they be not checked, they win reassume their former inso- 
lent air the momient there will be no m<M-e troops in tfan eeuntry, 
however they may promise us at pr^eint, and will no dotibt insult 
us, and subject ua to all possible outrage. 

It is necessary, then, to examine the most certun means of 
destroying and conquering their five vills^es, whidi according to 
the above estimate, may bring into the field about two thousand 
men bearing arms, and in a condition to go to war. 

I eminder that what troops we have, and what militia we can 
collect together, if we had them all with some of our Savages, 
would suffice to attack them ; but as it is not sufficient to make 
them let go their foot, and it becomes necessary to deprive them 
of aU means of disturbing us in our settlements, we must Bot go 
after them to chastise them by halves but to annihilate them if 
possible. This cannot be done without the tud of a number (^Sa- 
vages sufficiently great to pursue them in security to the distant 
forests towards Maryland and Andastes whither they will r€treat 
if Ihey find that we are more powerful than t^ey ; and as it is of 
extreme importance not to declare war against them until we are 



in a condliioQ to vanquish them, it will be absolutely necessary 
to adopt measures with the Illinois, their enemies, and with the 
Savages our allies, to engage them to unite with us in attacking 
them and pursuing them into the woods whither they never fail 
to retire, daring not to stand against us. For as it would be very 
unfortunate not to vanquish them if we attack them, nothing 
ought be neglected that can be done, to endeavor to destroy 
them and put it beyond their power to injure the Colony. If 
we succeed, I calculate the English will lose their trade in that 

I find all our allies so discontented with us, and so dissatisfied 
on account of the idle march which we caused them to make last 
year, that according to what I learn, I do not believe that any of 
them can be relied on. 

Before engaging in a war, then, I considered it prudent to per* 
mit the continuance of the negotiations of a certain Onontague 
savage, accredited by them and the other Iroquois, who is said to 
wish for nothing but peace. Notwithstanding I bethought me of 
managing the Ilfinois by prombing them every protection, and as 
Chevalier de Tonty, who is in command at ,the fort on behalf of 
M. de Lasalle, has considerable influence among the niinms, I 
have deemed it a duty to advise him of my arrival and of the 
necessity whidi exists that he should speak, as soon as possible, 
for the King's interest. 

I likewise sent to M. de Ladurantaye who is at lake Superior 
under orders from M. de Labarre, and to Sieur Duluth who is also 
at a great distance in another direction, and all so far beyond 
reach that neither the one nor the ot^er can have news from me 
this year, so that not being able to see them all, at soonest before 
next July, I considered it best not to think of undertaking any 
thing during the whole of next year, especially as a great number of 
our best men of the Colony are among the Outaouacs, and cannot 
return before the ensuing summer. 

Moreover, learning that six tribes of our friends and allies are 
at war with each other, and as it is absolutely necessary to recon- 
cile them before thinking of deriving any advantage from them, 
I sent presents and instructions to M. Ladurantaye to collect our 

i » 









French and put himself at their head, in order to support his rea- 
soning and to have more authority to reconcile them in concert 
with Father Anjeblan Jesuit Missionary at Missilimakina. 

We shall) however, lose no time in putting ourselves in a posi- 
tion to resent the insults that the Iroquois may offer the Colony, 
which would suffer very much if we were mastered, and we will 
not let pass any negotiations that offer so as to lull the Senecas 
who are the most insolent, and with whom there is no permanent 
peace to be expected, much less that they will observe it with 
our allies whose total destruction they contemplate. 

Chevalier de Tonty commandant of M de Lasalle's fort among 
the Illinois, coming next week, we shall agree together as to what 
is best to be done to secure the conquest of this Nation, which I 
understand can be done if he can march with a sufficiently large 
body of Illinois behind lake Erie and come to Niagara, as Sieur 
de la Forest who commanded at Fort Catarokvy tohl me could 
be done, who also assured me that powder and at least four or 
five hundred guns would be required to arm these people. This 
is but a loan, which the said Sieur de Laforest is certain will be 
reimbursed in cash, by the said iSieur de Tonty. 

The said Sieur de La Forest having demanded my permission 
.to go and join said Sieur de Tonty on M de Lasalle's business, I 
deemed it proper to select a capable person to guarantee the safety 
of the Post of Catarokvy. I chose Sieur D'Orvilliers a very pru- 
dent and intelligent man and who has much experience, whose 
conduct during M de Labarre's administration is praised and ap- 
proved by all persons of property in the country. 

I gave him his company as a garrison, with some workmen as 
well to refit the vessels as to repair the barracks, and to put the 
fort in the best possible condition to pass the winter. 

And as there is a great resort of Iroquois at that place, and as 
there is quite a number established there, I requested the Jesuit 
Fathers to station Father Milet there to act as Interpreter and to 
correspond with Father de Lamberville who is a Missionary among 
the Onontagues who evince a desire for peace. 

In regard to Sieur Duluth I sent him orders to repair here so that 
I may learn from himself the number of savages on whom I may 

to I 
of ca 
and r 
be pr 
I more 
.1 repair 
^ wiUn 
the £ 
It is 
have n 
. rally 
be effe( 
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depend : he is accredited among them and rendered great services 
to M de Laharre by a considerable number of savages whom he 
brought to him to Niagara^ who alone would have attacked the 
Senecas weie it not for an express order from M de Labarre to 
the contrary. 

On arriving here I found neither batteaux nor canoes for our 
troops, and as they are absolutely useless if not adapted to pass 
from one point to another; knowing by experience that the expense 
of canoes is too great and that they require too much attention 
and repair, I thought I could not do better than to order plank to 
be prepared for one hundred flat batteaux, which will carry twice 
more than canoes and will be much cheaper both in cost and 
repair, because a batteau that will carry two thousand pounds 
will not cost more than a canoe which will carry only one- 

The means for preparing to wage war against the Iroquois, if 
the King approve of it, so that that Nation may not have any 
suspicion, remain to be considered. 

It is very much to be desired that first of all, sufficient flour and 
other provisions might be put into Catarokvy next year, so as to 
have nothing to do the following year but to march against the 
enemy j but as I do not think it possible to convey the whole 
quantity of provisions necessary thither without the savages natu- 
rally suspicious taking umbrage, measures must be adopted to ac- 
complish all in the same year with great diligence, which cannot 
be effected without trouble and expense, for in truth, the difficul- 
ties in surmounting rapids and cascades, twenty-five to thirty 
leagues in extent, are immense. 

This, however, is not all ; for it is well to consider that the ar- 
rangements are not easy to be made so as to secure punctuality, 
since from the Illinois country there are four hundred leagues 
to be travelled to arrive at Niagara, the place of rendezvous ; 
and from the Outaouacs and Savages of lake Superior, three 
hundred leagues, and from Quebec nearly two hundred to the 
said place of Niagara. All this must make me think of put- 
ting myself in a condition to be, myself, sufficiently strong to 
fight them without any other aid than that of this country. 
v,^,The conveyance of supplies and the expense are my sole diffi- 

1 ' 





111 ■' ' 



psnomviixe's kxpedition to tub 

cult'es. The neighbourhood of Catarokvy indifferently fertile in 
grain) produces good peas ; M. de Laforest assures me that he has 
nearly three hundred minots. I caused him to give orders to have 
them all sown, and M. d'Orvilliers not to allow any to be consum- 
ed, but will make the soldiers work and oblige them to plant some. 
That will be a trifling supply of four or five hundred minots for 

next year. 

• t » • • • • 

It will require considerable expense to render the river naviga* 
ble ; the Map I have caused to be made of it will afford son^e 
imperfect idea by remarking the pitch in several places there. 

The surest remedy against the English of New- York would be to 
purchase that place from the King of England who in the present 
state of his affairs, will, without doubt, require money of the King. 
By that means we should be masters of the Iroquois without 
waging war. 

m; i 


[Pwh Doc. III.] 

I learn that the news which I had the honour to send you of 
the appearance on Lakes Ontario and Erie of Enfflish Canoes 
accompanied by French Deserters on their way to the Outaomcs 
is true. There are ten of them loaded with merchandize. Tliere- 
upon, my Lord, I sent orders to Missilimakina, to Catarokouy and 
other places where we had Frenchmen, to run and seize them, 
and I am resolved to send another officer with twelve reliable 
men to join Sieur D'Orvilliers at Catarosky, who is to go with 
Sieur de Lasalle's bark to Niagara to treat there with the Iroquois 
Indians on their return from hunting. He vnll take some men 
with him. This officer, with the aid of this bark and some ca- 
noes which shall be furnished him, will post himself with twenty 
good men at the River, communicating from the Lake £ri6 

1 I 



with that of Ontario, near Niagara by which phice the English 
who ascended Lake Eri6 must of necessity pass on their return 
home with their peltries I regard, my Lord, as of primary im- 
portance the prohibition of this trade to the English, who with- 
out doubt, would entirely ruin ours both by the cheaper bargains 
they could give the Indians and by attracting to them the French- 
men of our Colony who are accustomed to go into the woods. 

I am persuaded that the Iroquois are very anxious for peace 
now that they see troops, but I do not at all believe that they 
will submit not to make war any more against the other Nations 
our allies, therefore there is no doubt but we must prepare to 
humble them. 

. What I should connder most effectual to accomplish this, 
would be. the establishment of a right good post at Niagara. 

The manner in which the English ;iave managed with the Iro- 
quois hitherto, when desirous to establish themselves in their 
neighbourhood, has been to make them presents for the purchase 
of the soil and the property of the land they wish to occupy. 
What I see most certain b, whether we act so by them or have 
peace or war with them, they will submit with considerable im- 
patience to see a fort built at Niagara which would secure to us 
the communication between the two Isdces; would render us 
masters of the road the Senecas take in going to hunt for furs, 
none of which they have on their own grounds ; it is likewise 
their rendezvous when hunting for their supplies of meat with 
which, as well as with all sorts of fish, this country abounds. 

this post would be of great advantage to the other nations 
-who are at war with these, and who durst not approach them, 
having too long a road to travel when retreating. It would 
keep them in check and in obedience, especially by building a 
Fort sufficiently large to contain a force of 4 or 600 men to 
make war on them ; this cannot be done without expense because 
it must be enclosed by a simple, ordinary picket fence to 
place it beyond all insult, not being in a position to be relieved 
by us. " "' 

To guarantee its construction, it must not be doubted for a 



' ! 



- t 

1 i' 




moment, though at peace with them, but a guard would be ne- 
cessary there for the security of the workmen. The freight of 
provisions as well for the garrison as the troops to be stationed 
there is very high, since a thousand pounds w^ which is a load 
for a canoe, costs 110 liv. from Ville Marie on the Island of Mon- 
treal to Catarakouy. Independent of mere provisions, how many 
other necessaries and munitions are required ! 

This post, my Lord, woiild absolutely close the entire road to 
the Outaouacs against the English, and would enable us to pre- 
vent the Iroquois carrying their peltries to the latter j for with the 
redoubt at Catarokouy which would serves us as an Entrepot to 
shelter our bark^ from the storms in winter, we having posts at 
both sides of the Lake could render ourselves Masters of the hunt- 
ing of that Nation who can support itself merely by that means 
and would draw but little from the English if it had no more 
peltries to give them : What is very certain, they would carry 
them much fewer than heretofore. 

I propose to send Sieur d'Orvilliers to Niagara this year with 
Sieur de Villeneuve, the draughtsman whom you gave me, to draw 
the plan, and after I shall h?ve seen the Iroquois at Yillemarie 
on the Island of Montreal and we shall know what we have to 
expect from them, I'll see if I shall not be able to take a trip 
thither myself, in order to furnish you with a more certain report 
thereon j for to rely on Sieur de Villeneuve alone, he is a very 
good, very accurate, very faithful draughtsman, but in other re- 
spects he has not a very well ordered mind ; it is too confined to 
be able tq, furnish out of his own head any ideas for the establish- 
ment of a post and its management. 

I am assured that the land in the neighbourhood is very fine 
and fertile, easy of cultivation ; it is situate about the 44^'> de- 
gree. Every thing I learn confirms me in the opinion which I 
entertain, that this post would, in three years at farthest, support 
itself. It is to be feared that fortifying it would draw war on us, 
if you wish to avoid it j but at the same time I believe that were 
the Senecas to see us well planted there, they would be more 
Should this plan be agreeable to you, my Lord, please send 



of V 

to hi 






Bate I 

of the 




this Go{ 
that the! 
turbe yJ 
ting stor 
meet thj 
will not I 
that thoS 
with, arj 
in feasor 
that our 
they doe 
gage you| 
our own 


oenesfj: country and niaga&a. 


masons and plenty of instrunicnts to break up the ground and 

convey stone. 

* t • • 

You will be surprised, my Lord, to learn that Sieur de Chailly, 
of whom I had the honour to write you this fall, not being able 
to have his cong6 from me to retire to Fiance with all his pro- 
perty which he sent off last year before my arrival, has fled and 
deserted the Country, to pass over to Orange (Albany) and thence 

without doubt by way of England to France. 

• • • * 

What is disagreeable in it is, that he will have informed Go- 
vernor Dongan of every thing he knows of our expeditions to the 
Baie du J^ord (Hudson's Bay) and has learned of the interests 
of the country and our designs. I beg of you, my Lord, to per- 
mit the confiscation of whatever property may be found belong- 
ing to him for the benefit of the two hospitals of the Colony. 


[Lond. Doo. y. s Pur. Doc. III.] 

Albany, May 22. 1686. 
Sir — ^I have sent for the five Nations of Indians y* belongs to 
this Governm^ to meet me at this place, to give them in charge 
that they should not goe to your side of the Great Lakes nor dis- 
turbe your Indians and Traders, butt since my coming here I am 
informed that our Indians are apprehensive of warr by your put- 
ting stores into Cataract [Cataraquf] and ordering some forces to 
meet there. I know you are a man of judgment and that you 
will not attack the King of England's subjects. Being informed 
that those Indians with whom our Indians are engaged in warr 
with, are to the West and Southwest of the greate Lakes (if so) 
in reason you can have no pretence to them. It is my intention 
that our Indians shall not warr with the farr Indians. Whether 
they doe or not it does not seem reasonable that you should in- 
gage yourself in the quarrell of Indians wee pretend too, against 
our own Indians. Whether these Territories belong to our or the 




A ^ 



! 1 

t ■ 


\i( >l 

. >.. 


I,: ^ 



French King is not to be decided here, but by our Masters at 
home ; and your business & mine is to take Mapps of the Coun> 
try so well as wee can and to send them home for the limits to 
be adjusted there. 

r am likewise informed that you are intended to build a fibrt 
at a place called Ohniagero on this side of the Lake within my 
Masters territoryes without question (I cannot believe it,) that a 
person that has your reputation in the world would follow the 
steps of Monsi* Labarre and be ill advised by some interested per- 
sons in your Govemm* to make disturbance between our Masters 
subjects in these parts of the world for a little pillitree ; when all 
these differences may be ended by an amicable correspondence 
between uu, If there be any thing amiss, I doe assure you it shall 
not be my fault though we have suffered much, and doe dayly by 
your People's trading within the King of England's territoryes. 
I have had two letters from the two Fathers that lives amongst 
our Indians, and I find them somewhat disturbed with an appre- 
hension of war, which is groundlesse, being resolved that it shall 
not begin here, and I hope your prudent conduct will prevent it 
there, and referr all differences home as I shall doe. I heare one 
of the Fathers is gone to you, and the other that staid I have sent 
for him here lest the Indians should insult over him, tho' its a 
thousand pittys that those that have made such progresse in the 
service of God should be disturbed, and that by the fault of lliose 
that laid the foundation of Christianity amongst these barbarous^ 

Setting apart the station I am in I am as much Mons' Desnon- 
ville's humble Servant as any friend he has^ and will onutt noe 
opportunity of manifesting the same 

Your humble Serv* 


This Rumor of y^^ coming to Cataracto has prevented my send- 
ing a gentleman to Quebec to congratulate your arryv^d in y* 
Oovemm* soe am constrained to make use of y" Father 4>r v* 
»afiB e<mveyance of this to your hands 

If./'; un>- 





[Par. Doc. III.] 

Yille toMri; June 20. 1686. 

I received, Sir, the letter which you did me the honour to 
write me on the 22°^ May last, You will sufficiently learn, in 
the end, how devoid of all foundation are the advices which you 
have had of my pretended designs and that all that has heen told 
you by the deserters from the Colony ought to be much suspected 
by you. 

You are. Sir, too well acquainted with the service and the man- 
ner that things must be conducted, to take any umbrage at the sup- 
plies which I send to Cataracouy for the subsistence of the sol- 
diers which I have there. 

You know the savages sufficiently to be well assured that it 
would be very imprudent on my part to leave that place without 
having enough of supplies and munitions there for one year's 
time. You are not ignorant that it is impossible to get up th^re 
at all seasons ; if I were to have them conveyed for a large force, 
I should have used other means. 

The natural treachery of a people without faith and without 
reli^on, require us to be so far distrustful of them that you ought 
not to blame me for using precaution against their restlessness 
and caprice. 

I had the honor to inform you by my letter of the 6^ June last 
that the orders I have from my Master manifest merely the zeal 
which His Majesty entertsuns for the progress of Religion and for 
the support and maintenance of the Missionaries. I expect from 
your piety that you will not be opposed to that, knowing well 
how much you love Religion. Do you think. Sir, that they will 
reap much fruit whilst the savages are allowed no peace in the 
villages in which our Missionaries are established ? 

When I came here, I thought Peace was assured between the 
Iroquois and us and our Savage allies. You see. Sir, what has 

! I 



\i '■ 




dekonville's expedition to the 


been the conduct of the Iroquois in this rencounter. Can 
say, Sir, that I am wrong in distrusting them ? 

They are alarmed at the war which they fancy I shall wage 
against them ; their conscience only could have impressed them 
with this idea, since I have not done the least thing to make them 
believe that I want any thing else from them than to see peace well 
established throughout all the country. What have I done to 
cause them the least uneasiness ? And what do they want ? 

In respect to the pretensions which you say you have to the 
lands of this country, certainly you are not well informed of all 
the entries into possession {prises de possessions) which have been 
made in the name of the King my Master, and of the establish 
ments which we have of long standing on the lands and on the 
lakes ; and as I have no doubt but our Masters will easily agree 
among themselves, seeing the unio;i and good understanding 
that obtain between them, I willingly consent with you that 
their Majesties regulate the limits among themselves wishing no- 
thing more than to live with you in good understanding ; but to 
that end. Sir, it would be very apropos that a gentleman so wor- 
thy as you should not grant protection to all the rogues, vaga 
bonds and thieves who desert and seek refuge with you, and who, 
to acquire some merit with you believe they cannot do better than 
to tell you many impertinencies of us, which will have no end so 
long as you will listen to them. 

The letter which the Rev. Father de Lamberville has been so 
kind as to be the bearer of from me on the 6*i> June last ought to 
suffice. Sir, to put you perfectly in possession of my intentions. 
It would be unnecessary that I should make any other reply to 
your last of the 22^ of May, were it not that I was very glad 
hereby to prove to you again that I shall always feel a great 
pleasure in seizing every opportunity to shew that I am 

Sir, -k ■ 

Your very humble & 

very obedient Servant. 



ri;^ t;v' I •jii '-u [I'tii ik-' 

ence v 
to hav< 
Barre \ 
they as 
and repi 
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it and y( 
not but 1 
gate the 
had no le 
take all i 
Gospell t 
least ill ti 
each nati( 
proove sh 
suppress t 
and quarr 
I have 1 
to Cannida 
English D< 
Virginia, b 
is wholly r 
ther you m 

#;>:, ,, 



[Lond. Doc. v.; Par. Doc. III.] 

New York, 27th July. 1686. 

Sir — I had the honour to receave two letters from you one da- 
ted the 6^>> and the other the 20''| of June last and in them I have 
found very much satisfaction by the hopes of a good correspond- 
ence with a person of so great merit worth and repute spread 
abroad in the army in which I served. Believe it it is much joy 
to have soe good a neighbour of soe excellent qualifications and 
temper and of a humour altogether differing from Monsieur de la 
Barre your predecessor who was so furious and hasty very much 
addicted to great words as if I vi bin to have bin frighted by 
them. The Indians peradverti l ght justly offend him for 
they as you well remarke are not people of the greatest credit 
and reputation, but certainly I did not amiss in offering sincerely 
to compose the difference and I went expressly to Albany to do 
it and yet no suitable returns were made by him for it. I doubt 
not but your Masters inclinations are very strongly bent to propa- 
gate the Christian Religion and I do assure you that my master 
had no less a share in so pious intentions ; for my part I shall 
take all imaginable care that the Fathers who preach the Holy 
Oospell to those Indians over whom I have power bee not in the 
least ill treated and upon that very accompt have sent for one of 
each nation to come to me and then those beastly crimes you re- 
proove shall be checked severely and all my endeavours used to 
suppress their filthy drunkennesse disorders, debauches, warring 
and quarrels and whatsoever doth obstruct the growth and en- 
largement of the Christian faith amongst those people 

I have heard that before ever the King your Master pretended 
to Cannida, the Indians so farr as the South Sea were under the 
English Dominion and always traded with Albany Maryland and 
Virginia, but that according to your desire with very good reason 
is wholly referred to our Masters, and I heartely pray that nei- 
ther you nor myselfe give occasion of any of the least misunder- 


' ; I 








standing between them but that a prosperous correspondence 
stricht amity and union may perpettually bee continued bet^yeen 
those monarchsj The stricktest care shall be taken concerning 
runawayes from you and those who are here if you please to send 
for them shall bee all conveyed to you — but if there bee any sol- 
diers who have deserted, I desire you to give me the assurance 
that they shall not loose their lives, And now, Sir. I begg your 
pardon for giveing you the trouble of my particular affairs which 
is thus : when my Prince called me out of the French service 
twenty five thousand livres were due to me as was stated and cer- 
tifyed to Mons' De Lenoy by the Intendant of Nancy — my stay 
was so short that I had no time to kisse the King's hands and pe- 
tition for itt — a very great misfortune after so long service, for in 
the circumstances I was then in I served him faithfully to the 
uttermost of my power. After I quitted France I went to Tan- 
gier and haveing left that place sometime after came hither so 
that I never had time to represent my case to His Majesty which 
i request you to espouse for me that so by your means I may ob- 
taine either all or at least some part of that which is due to me — 
The King I know had bin bountifull to all and I am conf dent 
hath too much generosity to see me suffer; however it happens I 
shall as heartily pray for his good health and happy success in 
all his undertakings as any one breathing and be ever ready to 
make all juSt acknowledgements to yourselfe for so great an ob- 
ligation and favour ; wishing heartily for a favorable occasion to 
demonstrate how profound an esteem I have for your person and 
merritts and give ttndenyable prdofb that I am sincerely and with 
all respects 

Your most humble and affectionate servant 

Tho* Dovojaf 



* ;.}'■■ ;••> :■,.-;.' 

•;, .:"-^ .*;L-| rUl 'liW/Uv-^v 


I repe 
it will 
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your g, 

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the 27ih 

Well regai 

»h'p existi 

country in 

You hat 




[PatIs Ooo. III.] 

29 Sept. 1686. 

I received by the Rev. Father de Lamberville, the elder, mi»- 
sionary among the Iroquois of the village of the Onontagu^s the 
letter which you took the trouble to write to me on the 27"" July. 
I repeat, Sir, what I already had the honour to state to you that 
it will not be my fault that we shall not live in very good intel- 
ligence. I am willing to believe. Sir, that you will contribute 
thereunto on your side, and that you will put an end to all those 
causes that may exist for dissatisfaction at what is doing under 
your government by your traders and others whom you pro- 

I do not believe, Sir, that the King your master approves of all 
the trouble you have taken in arming and soliciting by presents 
all the Iroquois Nation to wage war on us this year, neither the 
exhortations you have made them to plunder our Frenchmen who 
trade to places which up to the present time we have acquired 
long before New York was what it is. 

You have proposed. Sir, to submit every thing to the decision 
of our Masters, yet your emissary to the Onnontagu^s, told all the 
nations in your name to pillage and to make war on us. This it 
so notorious a matter that it cannot be doubted, and it will be 
maintained before your emissary ; whether he acted by your or- 
der, or at the suggestion of your merchants at Orange, it has 
been said and done. You are not ignorant of the expedition 
of your merchants against Michilimaquina. I ask you. Sir, what 
do you wish that I should think of all this, and if this behaviour 
accord with the letter which you did me the honour to write on 
the 27*'' July filled with courtesies and friendly expressions at 
well regarding Religion as the good understanding and friend- 
ship existing between our Masters which ought be imitated in this 
country in token of our respect and obedience to them. 

You had the civility to tell me that you would give me up all 

< ,i 


denonville's expedition to the 



the deserters, who to escape the chastisement of their knaveries, 
take refuge with you ; yet you, Sir, cannot be ignorant of those 
who are there, but as all these are for the major part bankrupts 
and thieves I trust they will finally give you reason to repent of 
having given them shelter, and that your merchants who employ 
them will be punished for having confided in rogues who will 
not be more faithful to them than they have been to us. 

You know, Sir, they spare neither the Outaouas, our most an 
tie'nt allies, nor the other tribes among whom we have Preachers 
of the Gospel and with whose cruelties to our holy Missionaries, 
whom they have martyred, you are acquainted. Are all these 
reasons. Sir, not sufficiently conclusive to induce you to contribute 
to designs so pious as those of your Master 1 Think you. Sir, 
that Religion will progress whilst your Merchants supply, as they 
do, Eau de Vie in abundance which converts the savages, as you 
ought to know, into Demons and their cabins into counterparts 
and theatres of Hell. 

I hope, Sir, you will reflect on all this, and that you will be 
so good as to contribute to that union which I desire, and you 
wish for. 

Finally, Sir, you must be persuaded that I will contribute, wil- 
lingly and with pleasure, my best to obtain for you the favor you de- 
sire from the King my master. I should have wished , Sir , that you 
had explained your case more clearly, and that you had placed in my 
hands the proofs or vouchers of your debt, so as to explain it to the 
King, for so many things pass through the hands of Mess", his 
Majesty's Ministers that I fear M. de Lonnoy will not recollect 
your affair, which he cannot know except through the Intendant 
who was at Nancy, whose name you do not mention. I shall not 
fail. Sir, to endeavour to obtain for you some favor from the King 
my master for the services which you have rendered his majesty. 
I should wish, Sir, to have an opportunity, on some other more 
.fitting occasion to prove that I am, iji ^ , . ^ ,: . 

... Your very humble and very obedient Servant. , 




and 01 
it in vi 
of a w 
tain it 
head ai 
as to hs 
piety be 
I ann 
last in V 
against < 
do with 
doubt it 
open act 
they are 
I knov 
all the F 
ange to t 
I want to 
an incursi 

1 The Co 
iii. 84. 






[Parii Doc. III.] 

Quebec the 8th 9ber 1688. 

Our reputation is absolutely destroyed both among our friends 
and our enemies. It is no trifling thing, My lord, to reestablish 
it in view of the expense and labor and the dreadful consequences 
of a war, absolutely necessary. But, My lord, when we are cer- 
tain that it is God's business and the King's glory that are in 
question, and that all those to whom they are committed have 
head and heart occupied only with zeal to perform their duty so 
as to have nothing wherewith to reproach themselves, we labour 
untroubled, confident that Heaven will supply the defects of our 
understanding and abilities, more especially having you as our 
Protector near to King with whom all things are possible, his 
piety being the foundation and motive of all his undertakings. 

I annex to this Memoir, the duplicate of the letter of June 
last in which I advised My lord of the expedition of the Iroquois 
against our allies the Hurons and Ottawas of Missilimakina in the 
Saguinan.* I have learned since, that the English had more to 
do with that expedition than even the Iroquois who struck the 
blow. Their intrigues, My lord, reach a point that without 
doubt it would be much better that they should have recourse to 
open acts of hostility by firing our settlements, than to do what 
they are doing through the Iroquois for our destruction. 

I know, beyond a moment's doubt that Mr. Dongan has caused 
all the Five Iroquois Nations to be collected, this spring, at Or- 
ange to tell them publicly, so as to stimulate them against us, that 
I want to declare war against them ; that they must plunder our 
Frenchmen in the Bush which they can easily effect by making 
an incursion into the country, and for that purpose Mr. Dongan 

1 The Country between Lakes Erie and Huron was thus called, 
iii. 84. 

Paris Doe. 


■ 1 


IP' ■ 




1 IJIy^ 









■ 1 









caused presents of arms and ammunition to be given them by the 
merchants, neither more nor less than if it were himself who 
was to make war. There is no artifice, therefore My lord, 
that he did not employ to persuade them of their destruction, un- 
less they destroyed us. 

Father de Lamberville, Jesuit Missionary at Onontagu6, one of 
the five villages, being advised of the wicked designs of the Eng- 
lish) set all his friends to work to avert the storm, and enjoining 
tium to report every thing to him, he obtained fro them that 
th«y would not budge until he had seen me. During his absence 
9/[r. Dongan sent an express to the Iroquois ^o notify them to 
march without delay and fall on the Colony, ordering Father de 
Jliamberville's brother, who had remained as hostage to be brought 
to him, thinking to deprive us of all our missionaries among the 
Iroquois. At the same time, he sent emissaries among oyr sava- 
ges at Montreal to debauch them and draw them to him, promis- 
ing them Missionaries to instruct them, assuring them that he 
would prevent Brandy being conveyed to their villages. All 
these intrigues have, given me no small exercise all summer to 
ward 00" this blow. 

Mr. Dongan wrote me, and I answered him as a man may do 
who wishes to dissemble, and who cannot yet get angi^y, much 
less crush his foe. I thought it better to temporise and answer 
Mr. Dougan by eluding rather than exhibiting one^s chagrin 
without haying the power to injure his enemy. The letters which 
I rec^ from him and my answers, copies of which I send, will ad- 
vise you of my conduct in this conjuncture. Mr. Dongan, notwith- 
standing works secretly by all the artifices in the world, to de- 
bauch our Frenchmen and Indians. Col. Dongan's letters will 
sufficiently explain his pretensions which embrace no less than 
from the Lakes inclusive to the South Sea. Missilimackinac belongs 
to them. They have taken its elevation. They have been there 
treating with our Outawas and Huron Indians, who received them 
there very well on account of the excellent trade they made there 
in selling their goods for beaver which they purchase much dearer 
than we. Unfortunately we had at the time but very few French 
at Missilimackinac. M. de la Durantaye on arriving there would 

did n 
this al 
^P Ora 
poles y 
the firsl 
f?as ther 
^t Coi 
we can 1 
the entri 
Wes m^^ 
«s and t( 
gain ovei 
sure the 
out of h« 
the Nati< 
not returj 
up t|ie Fi 
here "uo 
All thi 
back the 
the Senec 
fine the 
and the 

Qfll^Vt fiQI7IPTȴ MO nuojmik.. 


pursue the English to plfind^ tlhem ; the Harons ran tQ ewort 
tl^em after saying many I^^d things of U9. M- de la Piiraiilay« 
^id not overtake the English, who met on their rqad the S^n9fll§ 
gping to meet them to escort them through lakes Eri^ find PnUvio 
yntil they were beyond th^ risk pf hieing attacked by us. 

Thus you see, My lord, that the Senecas a^d th^ Elngli^h uq- 
dersjiand eac|i pth^^r c|iarm|^gly, and ^rie in perfect harnuony nod 
tl^is alliance |s made particjularly with the $irmy yr^pn^ ^.ieU. 
Barfe "Vfent against, for at the tipie pf his march tl^p S^neoas HO 
|o Ori^^ge to find Colonel Dongan to beg hiqa tp take them nmdor 
jbis protection, giving tl^efja^lves py^r to him by a .publip Aote 
which was registered and ^ent to ^nglan4, apd, the^, }kp t^vtcd 
poles with the arms pf Ei^igli^pd to ^e planted j^x all tl^eir viU^gflf* 

Nevertheless, previous to that ti^e we l^d ufi^ipnaries ik^ff^t 
the first before any Englishman hac) ^ idea that thejre were^^ 
cas there. I annex to thj^ Letter a memoir of o;^r ^ighttp all 
that Cpimtry of wl^ich our re^|ste|rs on^ht to be full, f)ut pf yt^fih 
we can find no trace. I am told that M. Tallon ha^ or|gif^fil(^ ^f 
the entjries of possession {]^i^^s de pps^ssio^f) pf m^ydiscpyjB- 
r^es m^ie in thi/s country, which our registers ought to pofftaio. 
Doubtless he has given them tp ^y late Iprd, your father. 

Father de Lamberville having given me an account pf j^ t^ 
Colonel's intrigues which tended to taj^e the Hupiis ^^y frppi 
us and to draw off the Outawas, I entrusted \avp. wi^l^ pr^jents^ 
gain over the principal and most intriguing of the Iroquois tp ^ 
sure the friendship of the young men who were disposed to pB 
out of humor with us. He arrived in very good sea^pn, fpr j^^ 
the Nations, assured by Mr. Dpngan that the gppd Father yrpu^ 
not return, had assembled and were marching^ hut his return wpke 
up the Father's party, who by means of secret, which are ca^ed 
here "underground" presents, dispelled the stprm. 

All the summer has been spent in comings and goings to get 
back the prisoners, the Outawas wishing to demand them of the 
Iroquois without my participation, according to the promises pf 
the Senecas to restore them, provided I did not demand them. In 
fine the Hurons and the Outawas resolved to repair to Calar^qu'i^ 
and the Onontagu6s alone have given up their prboners. the 






■ ! 



dbmonville's expedition to the 

111 . 

til ' / 


fc"f' . > 







Senecas saying that theirs did not wish to return home. Father de 
Lamberville returned here in the latter part of September, he 
gave me an account of all his cares, and of all his troubles and 
fatigues. Whatever affection he may have for the mission where 
he has been stationed fifteen or sixteen years every year in danger 
of being killed by the Iroquois, he admits himself that nothing 
is to be done for the mission unless that nation be humbled. This, 
My lord, is so true that the Iroquois have no other design than to 
destroy all our allies, one after the other, in order afterwards to 
annihilate us ; and in that consists all the policy of Mr. Dongan 
and his Traders, who have no other object than to post themselves 
at Niagara, to block us ; but until now they have not dared to 
touch that string with the Iroquois, who dread and hate their do- 
mination more than ^ours, loving them not, in truth, except on 
account of their cheap bargains. 

Mr. Dongan caresses considerably those deserters of ours 
whom he requires to execute his designs for the destruction and 
ruin of our trade by promoting his own. This wakes up our 
restless spirits and obliges me to manage them, until I shall be in 
a position to treat them more severely. You will notice. My lord, 
by a letter of the Colonel's how desirous he is for something from 
the King which he says is due to him. He is a very selfish man, 
who wo'ild assuredly govern himself thereby if you thought pro- 
per ; bul the fact is he is not the master of those merchants from 
whom he draws money. 

Father de Lamberville has returned with orders from me to as- 
semble all the Iroquois nations next spring at Cataraqui to have a 
talk about our affairs. I am persuaded that scarcely any will come, 
but my chief design is to draw [them] thither, (the Jesuit Father 
remaining alone for he must this year send back his younger bro- 
ther,) in order that he may have less trouble in withdrawing him- 
self. This poor Father knows, however, nothing of our designs. 
He is a man of talent, and who says himself that matters can- 
not remain in their present state. I am very sorry to see him ex- 
posed, but if I withdraw him this year the storm without doubt 
will burst sooner on us, for they would be sure of our plans by 
his retiring. 



I have advices, notwithstanding, that the Five Nations are mak- 
ing a large war party, supposed to be against the Ouniiamis and 
other savages of the Bay des Ptians who were attacked this 
year, one of their villages having been destroyed by the Iroquois; 
on receiving notice thereof the hunters of those tribes pursued 
the Iroquois party whom they overtook and fought with conside- 
rable vigor, having recovered several prisoners and killed many of 
the Iroquois, who without doubt pant for revenge. I sent them 
word, to be on their guard and to have their women and children 
removed to a distance when they will be required to march to join 
me. I say nothing to you of what they have done to the Illinois 
whom they spare not, having since two years committed vast de- 
struction on them. 

Nothing more. My lord, is required to convince you that we 
canntt hesitate, and that the Colony must be put down as lost if 
war is not waged next year ; they destroy on all sides our allies 
who are on the point of turning their backs on us if we do not de- 
clare for them. The Iroquois plunder our canoes whereever they 
find them, and no longer observe appearances. Nevertheless, My 
lord, in the deranged state of the Colony, war is the most dan- 
gerous thing in the world ; nothing ran save us but the troops you 
will send and the redoubts which it is necessary for us to build. 
Yet, I dare not begin to work at these, for if I make the least 
movement for these Redoubts, I will assuredly draw all the Iro- 
quois down on us, before I am in a condition to attack them. 

The copy I transmit of the orders I have issued for our next 
year's expedition will advise you of all the measures I have adop- 
ted to ensure the success of our plans. The distance is terrible 
and success is in the hands of God. If you will be pleased, My 
lord, to take the trouble to read all these orders with the Map 
which I send, you will perceive all my projects. I have over- 
rated a little the number of the force I shall have with me, in or- 
der to give a little more character to our expedition. I cannot 
draw more than eight hundred militia, one hundred of the best 
of whom will be required to manage the fifty canoes for con- 
voys. These will do nothing else than come and go during our 
expedition to transrjrt provisions for our troops and for those 


,1 ' 

I ! 


dbnonyille'b expedition to Tin 

■f J ! 


whom we shall station during the winter at the Post which we 
Bust occupy either at Niagara or near the Senecas, to serve as a 
retreat for those of our Indians who will be desirous to harass 
them during the winter and the following year. Without this 
noihing effeotual will have been done to humble this Nation, for 
to be satisfied in driving them from their villages and then to 
retire, is not accomplishing any p;reat thing, as they immediately 
veturn and re-establish themselves in their Villages. 

As you, My lord, are perfectly acquainted with the ruinous 
condition of this Colony, you understand very well the deplorable 
consequences of this war which require that the settlements be 
contracted, and it is here we must anticipate many difficulties ; 
for in truth the establishment of the Colony would have to be 
almost begun over again, and this it is which causes me repeat 
the demand that I have already maile for regular troops to sup- 
port our habitansy and to occupy the posts necessary to be 
guarded, without which I cannot preserve many points very 
requisite to be protected ; among others Chambly, where I should 
like to station a strong post, because it is the most important pass 
to reach the English by lake Champlain. That post will moreover 
always be a subject of uneasiness to the Indians who would incline 
to cross the River Richelieu thence to our settlements on the River 
St. Francis ; in addition to which, communicating as it does with 
thi^t of la Prairie de la Madelaine, would secure, in some sort, 
all the country from Sorel unto la Prairie dc la Madelaine. Re- 
^QCt again. My lord, if you please, how important is that post of 
Bout de I'JsljB de Mqnt Real, that of Chateaugu^, that of la Ohes- 
n^yp and that of I'Jsie Jesu^. ' 

I say nothing. My lord, of all the other settlements that are 
isolated and without communication, which we must endeavor to 
secjure from insult. Those details. My lord, require considerable 
troops, which could pot fail to greatly advance this country by 
laboring to draw (resserer) the Colony closer together and make 
it more compact, by means of forts around which clearances 
would be made. 

All this. My lord, is no trifling work to be prepared. For 
whftt certainty can there be of destroying so powerful an enemy 



ai that Nation >yhiuh has assuredly two thousand men under 
arms independent of a large number of other tribes their allieSi 
estimated at twelve hundred ? The vast extent of forest into which 
they will retreat and where Indians alone can pursue them ; the 
uncertainty of the strength of the Indians which we shall have 
with us; the difficulty of rendezvousing so far off— all these con- 
siderations ought to make us reflect on the means of sustaining 
ourselves in case we should not OiCet that success we may desirei 
and which cannot come without a manifest interposition of Hea- 
ven for the success of projects so scattered. 

It is very certain that were I in a position to bp ablp to send % 
strong detachment to the Mohawk Country by the River Riche- 
lieu whilst J was proceeding a^^inst the Senecas, not only should 
I create considerable alarm among the English which would keep 
them at home, but I would obtain a great advantage over the 
Iroquois by separating and pillaging them and laying waste their 
corn fields at both ends of the Iroquois towns. It would be very 
desirable that I could destroy all the corn in the same year, so 
that the one could no longer support the other ; this would re- 
duce them to great wretchedness and would put a burthen on the 
English, if they sought a refuge there for means to live. Had I a 
sufficiency of troops I should not fail to undertake that enterprize, 
but having only what I have, I must attack one after the other, 
and endeavour to raise another army, which it is impossible to 
effect at first. 'Tis true, were all done at once it would be much 
better, and promote our expedition and dishearten pur enemies 

I am very sorry. My lord, to witness all the expence necessary 
for the support of Fort Cataracouy, merely with a garri:^on of 
fifty men. It is very unfortunate that the lands thereabout are not 
better, so that it might support itself. I am not yet sufficiently 
well informed of the environs to be able to write you with suffi- 
cient accuracy all that could be effected there ; notwithstanding 
it is of great consequence to preserve that Post at the entrance to 
the Lake, though the Posts in this Country do not command the 
passages so completely that the Savages cannot avoid them, two 
or three leagues either above or below. Yet that Post, and 

I- t 






one at Niagara would render us entire masters, and keep the Iro- 
quois in great check and respect, and give us immense advantages 
in our trade with the Illinois and Outtawas ; that road being 
shorter, and much less difficult than the one we take, in which 
there is an infinitude of portages and rapids, much more danger- 
ous than those on the Cataracouy side. 

The letters I wrote to Sieurs du Lhu and de la Durantaye, of 
which I sent you copies, will inform you of my orders to them 
to fortify the two passes leading to Michilimaquina. Sieur du 
Lhu is at that of the Detroit of Lake Erie, and Sieur de la Du- 
rantaye at that of the portage of Taronto. These two Posts will 
block the passage against the English, if they undertake to go 
again to Michilimaquina, and will serve as retreats to the Sava- 
ges our allies, either while hunting or marching against the 

I send you again. My lord, copy of the orders I have issued 
for the assembling, marching and repairing of our Savage al- 
lies to Niagara with Sieurs du Lhu and de la Durantaye. You 
will, also, see, My lord, the orders I have issued for march- 
ing the Illinois in the rear of the Iroquois. It looks very well on 
paper, but the business is yet to be executed. Many difficulties 
may be encountered as well in regard to the nature of the Sava- 
ges who are little accustomed to obedience and the prosecution of 
a design during several months, which are required to reach the rear 
of the Senecas from their country. Chevalier Tonty, who came to 
see me at Montreal in the month of July last, has taken charge of 
all these matters. I gave him twenty good Canadians, with eight 
canoes loaded with one hundred and fifty muskets, which was all 
I could collect in the country. He carries powder and lead and 
other things for the trade. Had the guns you sent me arrived I 
should have given him a good number. He left at the end of 
August and calculates to arrive at Fort St. Louis' before the 
departure of the hunters. He could not assure me of the 
number of Savages he could bring with him, but I'm cer- 
tain he will make great exertions to succeed in this affair in which 
he will participate largely if the Indians will allow themselves to 

be gc 
for th( 
and be 
end of 
he leai 
ges hac 
on the 
and the 
with tw 
to anol 
for acco 
mere no 
their mi: 
him to n 
over Ian( 
■sont pas 
I shov 
But, My 
affairs an 
would se 
might be 
to satisfy 
I receii 
Lake des 
abound th 
is not con 
from all t 
great diso 
cept from 


J Now Peoria, 111. 

1 Most pro 



be governed and led by him. I cannot sufficiently praise his zeal 
for the success of this enterprize. He is a lad of great enterprize 
and boldness, who undertakes considerable. He left Fort des 
Illinois last February to seek after M de la Salle at the lower 
end of the Mississippi. He has been as far as the sea, where 
he learned nothing of M. de la Salle except that some Sava- 
ges had seen him set sail and go towards the South. He returned 
on the receipt of this intelligence lo Fort St. Louis des Illinois, 
and thence to Montreal where he arrived in the beginning of July 
with two Illinois Chiefs, to whom I had made some presents, and 
to another who had not come. They promised me wonders. 
Nothing remains but the execution which is in the hands of God, 
for according to what I'm told of the temper of these Savages, a 
mere nothing sometimes is only necessary to cause them to change 
their minds. He will have about twenty good Canadians with 
him to march at the head of the Indians, which he hopes will 
encourage them. He will have to walk three hundred leagues 
over land, for those Savages are not accustomed to canoes (ne 
■sont pas gens de Canot.) 

I should have greatly desired to shorten my letters to you. 
But, My lord, as it is necessary to inform you of the state of our 
affairs and to render you an account of my conduct, I thought I 
would send you all the orders as I had issued them, so that I 
might be corrected if I fail in any respect, being very anxious 
to satisfy you. 

I receive letters from the most distant quarters ; from the head 
of the River Mississippi, from the head of Lake Superior, from 
Lake des Lenemyngon • where they propose wonders to me by 
establishing posts for the Missions and for the Beavers which 
abound there. But in truth so long as the interior of the Colony 
is not consolidated and secured, nothing certain can be expected 
from all those distant posts where hitherto people have lived in 
great disorder and in a manner to convert our best Canadians into 
banditti. All these distant posts cannot maintain themselves ex- 
cept from the interior of the Colony, and by a secure communi- 

1 Most probably, Lake Aleminipigon of the old maps ; now L. St. Ann, north 
of Lake Superior. 






dknonyille's expedition to the 

cation with them from here. Whilst we have the Iroquois on our 
hands, can we be certain of any thing 1 Solicited by the Eng- 
lish, they daily plunder our canoes and openly declare they will 
continue (to do so) being unwilling that we should carry ammu- 
nition to the Savages, their enemies and our allies. 

The principal affair at present is the security of this Colony 
which is in evident danger of perishing whether the Iroquois be 
let alone or we make war without having a decided advantage 
over them, and however decided ours may be, the people se- 
parated as they are will always be in danger. Yet My lord, if 
you aid us with troops, war will be the least inconvenience, for 
if we do not wage it, I do not believe that the next year will 
pass away without the whole trade being absolutely lost ; the 
savages, our friends, would revolt against us, and place them- 
selves at the mercy of the Iroquois, more powerful because better 
armed, than any of them. The whole of the Hurons are wait- 
ing only for the moment to do it. Had I not by the care of Fa- 
ther de Lamberville fortunately avoided the war this year, not a 
a single canoe would have come down from the forests without 
having been captured and plundered in the river of the Outtawas. 
We should have lost a great number of good men. 

This, My lordj is a long narrative about the state of' the affairs 
of the country with the Iroquois which absolutely require that 
we wage war without longer delay. Every person sees its neces- 
sity so clearly that those concur in it now, who had been hitherto 
the most opposed to it. I hope that on the sketch I give you of 
our wants, you will aid us both in men and other necessaries. In 
regard to troops, My lord, I had the honor to ask you for Regu- 
lars, for in truth the employment of people picked up any where 
is very unwise. It requires time to make them fit for service and 
on their arrival they will have to take arms in their hands and drill. 
If you propose to send us some it would be well to have them 
arrive about the end of May which is the season when the North 
West winds prevail in our River. For that reason, the ships 
ought to leave Rochelle in the month of March. Sieur Dam- 
bour, one of our best ship captains that come to Canada, can give 
psioi fidviee theretipdtt. 


are f 
By St 
not d 
them j 
the Lo 
with w 
had evi 
to the I 
will be 
necas to 
is the ge 
the Iroc 
is a Coi 
their can 
had prev 
of the ri 

I have 
of Lake 
of war J 

'r m- 



Our march cannot begin before the fifteenth of May, for wci 
must let the sowing be finished, and the storms before that time 
are fuiious on our river and lake Ontario. I say nothing of the 
risks to be incurred that the harvest will not be saved next year on 
account of the war, nor of the necessity of making store-houses. 
By sending us troops, many things will be done of which we dare 
not dream if you do not send any. 

A few days since a man named Antoine L'Eptnart, an old resident 
among the Dutch, at present among the English, came to Yille 
Marie on the Island of Montreal in search of a child he had 
boarding with the Jesuits. He reports that the English kept 
watch three months this summer, our deserters having told 
them that I would attack them for having armed the Iroquois 
against us. He also says, that the Iroquois are drawing to them 
the Loups (Mohegans) and other tribes towurd the Ahdastes, 
with whom they are forming alliances ; he believed the Iroquois 
had evil intentions towaids us — that the English who had been 
to the Outtawas had been well received and invited to return 
among them with merchandize, and well nigh procured from the 
Iroquois the restitution of their prisoners, by which means they 
will be more attached to them than to us j that the Merchants at 
Orange had urgently entreated Colonel Dongan to request the Se- 
necas to surrender the prisoners ; that the Colonel had convoked a 
meeting of the Five Nations who went together to see him j that it 
is the general belief that the Colonel will obtain satisfaction of 
the Iroquois and thus the English will attract to them both the 
Outtawas and the Hurons and that their cheap bargains will ruin our 
trade. The said Antonie L'Epin^tt aii^res fhorcover, that there 
is a Company of fifty men formed to go to Missilimakina ; that 
their canoes were purchased, and that the low state of the waters 
had prevented them starting ; that they waited only the rising 
of the rivers by the raih ; and that the Senecas promised to escort 

I have heard that Sietr du Lhu is arrived at the po6t at Detroit 
of Lake EriOj with fifty good men well Armed, with munitions 
of war and provisions and all other necessaries sufficient to 
guarantee them against the severe col^ and to render theln coat- 


I ' 1 


1 ■ ! 

i ■ ■ ■ - 1 


denonville's expedition to the 



fortable during the whole winter on the spot where they will en- 
trench themselves. M. de la Durantaye is collecting people to 
entrench himself at Michilimaquina and to occupy the other pass 
which the English may take by Taronto, the other entrance to Lake 
Huron, In this way our Englishmen will find some body to 
speak to. 

All this cannot be accomplished without considerable expense, 
but still we must maintain our honour and our prosperity. 

The Oumeamies and other savages of the Bay des Puans have 
expressed much joy to me on learning that Sieur du Lhu was 
posted at Detroit, but I am very sorry to h ar that Tonty has 
learned on the road that these same savs^es had quarrelled with 
the Illinois, which would prevent the Illinois attacking the 
rear of the Senecas, as we had projected. It would, in truth be 
an afSicting circumstance to see our allies devouring one another 
instead of uniting with us to destroy the common enemy. But it is 
useless to be vexed at it. Nothing remains but to be prepared 
for every thing that may happen, and rely only on ourselves. If 
God give us the advantage, the people will rouse to our aid. 

My lord ought to place no reliance on the changeable disposi- 
tion of a people without discipline, or any sort of subordination. 
The King must be the master in this country to effect any sort 
of good, and success cannot be secured without expense. 

The M. de Denonville. 


[From the wc:.-^.] 

Quebec, 16th Nov. 1686. 
My Lord, — Since my letters were written a very intelligent 
man whom I sent to Manat, who has conversed andihad much 
intercourse with Colonel Dongan, reports to me that the said 
Colonel has despatched fifty citizens of Orange and Manat among 
whom are some Frenchmen, to winter with the Senecas whence 
they will depart, at the close of the winter, under the escort of 

'< 1 



the Senecas, for Michilimaquina, carrying with them the Huron 
prisoners to restore them on the part of the English Governor, 
who is desirous to prevail on the Outaouas, by the service which 
he renders them, to abandon our alliance in order to attach them- 
selves to the English. They cany an abundance of merchandise 
thither to furnish it at a much lower rate than we. 

This is not all. Colonel Dongan has given orders that one 
hundred and fifty other English should depart, accompanied by 
several Mohegan Indians to follow the first fifty Englishmen with 
goods. But this detachment is not to leave until spring. I 
believe there is no room to doubt but the design is to seize the post 
of Niagara. Were the English once established there, they must 
be driven off or we must bid adieu to the whole trade of the country. 
. • « • • » # *. 

The Rame man who came from Manat told me that within a short 
lime fifty or sixty men. Huguenots, arrived there from the Islands of 
St. Christophers and Martinique, who are establishing themselves 
at Manat and its environs. I know that some have arrived at 
Boston from France. There, again, are people to operate as 

Whilst writing this, My lord, further advice is come from 
Orange that Colonel Dongan sent to tell the fifty men who are to 
winter among the Senecas, not to leave until the arrival at the 
Senecas of the one hundred and fifty men which he is to despatch 
in the spring to support them. The reason of this order is that 
he has learned by Indians that the Sieur Du Lhut is posted at the 
Detroit of Lake Eri6. If those men commanded with the sava- 
ges attack that post, you perceive, my lord, that I have nothing 
more to manage with the English. Send me, if you. please, 
orders on this point, for my disposition is to go straight to Orange, 
drive them into their fort, and burn the whole. 

• • * • • • - 

' The English governor prompted at present by the cupidity of 
the merchants and by his avarice to drag money from them, pre- 
tends that all the country is his, and will trade thither though an 
Englishman has never been there. He gives passes under pretext 
of hunting, to his creatures, from whom one was taken at Michi- 


: I 


dknomville's expedition to tue 

I I 

limaquina, which I would have sent, had he who was bringing it, 

not upset in the water and been thereby drowned. 

* « • « • ' * 

Whilst writing this letter here, My lord, I receive from Father 
de Laniberville conBrmation of the news which I had the honor 
to communicate to you respecting Colonel Dongan. I send you 
what he writes me of the speech made by the said Colonel to the 
Iroquois assembled by his order at Manat. Be so good as to read 
it yourself my lord.* 



rP<ur. Doe. III.; Lond. Doc. y.l * * 

1 Decern. 16S6. 

Sir — I had the honour to receiue your letter of the first of 
October 1686 and had sooner sent an answer, butt that I wanted a 
convenient opportunity to do itt, I find you was angry at the writ- 
ing and therefore for fear it was ill turned into French fo * I havt 
no great skill in your language, have sent a copy of it in English. 
I desire you to continue in your opinion that nothing shall bee 
wanting on my part that may contribute to a good and friendly 
correspondence, and that I will not protect either merchant or 
others that shall give any just occasion to suspect it. Bee assur- 
ed) Sir, that I have Dot solicited nor bribed the Indians to arme 
and make warr against you, all the paines I have taken hath bin 
to keep those people in quiet who are so inclinable to warr that 
one word is enough for them. I have forbidden their joining (if 
they should be entreated) with any others a^inst you neither have 
lever allowed any to plunder I have only permitted severall of 
Albany to trade amongst the remotest Indians with strict orders not 
to meddle with any of your people, and I hope they will finde the 
same civillity from you — It being so farr from pillageing that I 
beleeve it as lawfull for the English as French nations to trade 
there we being nearer by many leagues than you are — I desire 
1 Bee poitea, " Sqtquebanoa Paprrt," for aa extnet fiom tfaU speeah. 



tot the 
otient ai 
have I i 
oUr mas 
not who 
you call 
pie, and 
taiii them 
and hope 
ordered o 
or ours or 
that they i 
your own 
very well i 
well to Ch 
please but 
fcave bin to 
to exercise 
to the King 
^6 to prop 
tt is td send 
tiv« allyed 
frdtti tfeeJr d 
Kttle hurt as 
miirfe wholt 
sober is a vt 
tfctem all str 
What I wrot 
France was . 
•djusted and 
Me 4nd I ^av 
^i^plaine to 
^''ooble youtsj 



yott ib send Ae word who it was that pretended to have my orders 
fot the Indians to plunder and fight you : that I,am altogtther as 
ignorant of any enterprise made by the Indians out of this Govern- 
ment as I am of what you meane by " mihilhuiqum " and neither 
have I acted any thing contrary to what I have written, but will 
stricktly endeavour to immitate the ammity and friendship between 
oWr masters — I have desired you to send for the deserters, I know 
not who they are but had rather such Rascalls and Bankrouts as 
you call them were amongst their own countrymen than this peo- 
ple, and will w'.ien you send word who they are, expell, not de- 
tain them and use all possible means to preuent your good wishes 
and hopes that our merchants may suffer by them — Tis true I 
ordered our Indians if they should meet with any of your people 
or ours on this sid^ of the lake without a passe from you or me, 
that they should bring them to Albany and that as I thought bj 
your own desire expressed in your letter, they being as you have 
vecy well remarked very ill people and such that usually tell lyes as 
well to Christians as Heathens, The Missionary Fathers if they 
please but do me justice can give you an account how careful I 
have bin to preserve them, I have ordered our Indians strictly not 
to ettercise any cruelty or insolence against them and have written 
id the King my master who hath as much zeal as any prince liv- 
ing to propagate the Christian faith and assure him how necessary 
it id td send hither tome Fathers to preach the Gospell to the na- 
tive allyed to us and care would be then taken to dissuade them 
(itin titeir drunken debouches though certainly our Rum doth aft 
little hurt as your Brandy and in the opinion of Christians is much 
m<6rle whoksome: however to keep the Indians temperate and 
sober is a very good and Christian performance but to prohibit 
tWem all strong liquoriS seemes a little hard and very turkish — 
What I wrote ettnc^rning what was due to me for my service in 
France was very true, Mons«" Chamell, the Intendant at Nancy, 
adjusted and 6ent them to Mons' Lenoy signed by hlmselfe and 
me ind I gave the copies of them to Mons^^ Pagaion living in the 
street of St Hon* to putt them into the hands of Mons"" Carillon 
(hiaplaine to the Duchesse of Orleans, but. Sir, you need not to 
tlotible youtselfe about itt for I intend to get it represented out of 

i i 

' ! -i 

!; I 

1 1 »' 




f\^i Ml 

England and doubt not but the King your master who is so boun- 
tiful a prince will be so just as to pay what became my due by a 
great deal of fatigue and labour, howeyer I humbly thank you 
for the civill obliging offers you make and doe assure you shall 
bee heartily glad of any occasion to requite them desiring you to 
believe I earnestly wish and contend for the union (you say) you 
desire and will contribute all in my power to promote and preserve 
it which is all the refflection I shall make on your letter being — 
Sir, assuredly with all due respect your most humble 

and affectionate r, . 

> , ^, ,^,/ servant — ^T. Domoak. 



It ', ;'- 






[Pwris Doe. III.] 

Canada is encompassed by many powerful English Colonies 
who labour incessantly to ruin it, by exciting all our savages, and 
drawing them away with their peltries for which the English give 
them a great deal more merchandize than the French, because 
they pay no duty to the King of England. This profit attracts 
towards the English, also, all our Bush rangers {Coureurs d$ bois) 
and French libertines who carry their peltries to them, deserting 
our Colony and establishing themselves in those of the English 
who take great pains to attract them. 

They advantageously employ these French deserters to bring the 
far savages to them who formerly brought their peltries into our 
Colony which wholly destroys its trade. 

The English began by the most powerful and best disciplined 
[Indians] of all America. They have excited them entirely against 
us by the avowed protection ihey afford them, and the manifest 
usurpation they claim to the sovereignty of their country, which 
belongs beyond contradiction to the King for nearly a century 



■' I . .1 

'without the English having up to this present .time had any pre- 
tension to it< ' ■ I'- 

They also employ the Iroquois to incite all our other Indiani^ 
against us. They set them last year to attack the Hurons and the 
Outawas, our most antient subjects ; swept by surprise from them 
more than 75 prisoners among whom were some of their princi- 
pal Chiefs, killed several others, and finally offered them peace 
and the restitution of their prisoners, if they would quit the 
French and acknowledge the English. 

They sent the same Iroquois to attack the Illinois and the 
Miamis our allies who are in the neighbourhood of ForttSt. Louis, 
built by Mons' de la Salle on the Illinois River which empties 
into the River Colbert or Mississipi ; massacred and burnt a great 
number of them and carried off many prisoners with threats of 
entire extermination if they would not unite with them against 
the French. 

Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, has pushed this 
usurpation to the point of sending Englishmen to take possession, 
in the King of England's name, of the post of Mislimakmac 
which is a Sti-ait communicating between lake Huron and lake 
des Illinois, and has even declared that all those lakes including 
the river St. Lawrence which serves as an outlet to them and on 
which our Colony is settled, belong to the English. 

The Reverend Father Lamberville, a French Jesuit who has 
been 18 years a Missionary among the Iroquois in company with 
one of his brothers also a Jesuit, wrote on the first of Norember 
to Chevalier de Calli^res, Governor of Montreal, who informed 
the Governor General that Colonel Dongan has assembled the 
Five Iroquois Nations at Manatte where he resides, and declared 
to them as follows : 

1. That he forbids them to go to Cataracouy or Fort Fronte- 
nac and to have any more intercourse with the French. 

2. That he orders them to restore the prisoners they took from 
the Hurons and Outawacs, in order to attract them to himself. 

3. That he sends thirty English to take possession of Missili- 
makinak and the lakes, rivers and adjoining lands and orders the 
Iroquois to escort them and to afford them physical assistance. 

M 'll:t'*'^ 

I I 



1.4 ;■ 
l,v. . 


I* * t! 

4. That he has sent to recal the Iroquois Christians belonging 
to the Mohawk tribe, who have settled a long time ago at Saut 
Saint Lo^is, adjoining the Island of Montreal, where they have 
been established by us and converted by the care of our Reverend 
Jesuit Fathers, and that he would give them other land and an 
English Jesuit, to govern them* 

6. That he wishes that they should have Missionaries only from 
him throughout the whole of the Five Iroquois Nations, and that 
they cause our French Jesuits to withdraw, who hftve been so long 
established there. 

6. That if Monsieur de Denonville attacks them, he will have 
to do with him. 

7. That he orders them to plunder all the French who will 
visit them ; to bind them and bring them to him, and what they'll 
talce from them sba^l be good prize. 

The Iroquois. — He accompanied his orders with presents to 
the Five Iroquois Nations, and despatched his thirty Snglish, 
escorted by Iroquois,, to make an establishment at Missilimaki- 

The Iroquoia pillage our Frenchmen every where they meet 
them, and threaten to fire their settlements which are much ex- 
posed and unfortified. 

These measures, and the discredit we are in among all the sava-r 
ges for having abandoned our allies in M. de la Barre's time, for 
having suffered them to be exterminated by the Itoquois and borne 
the insults of the latter, render war against them absolutely neoes^ 
fary to avert from us a General Rebellion of the Savages which 
would bring ruin on our trade and finally the extirpation of our 
Colony, q'l 

It is likewise necessary for the establishment of Religion which 
will never spread itself there, except by the destruction of the 
Iroquois : so that on the success of the war which the Gover- 
nor-general of Canada proposes to commence against the Iroquois 
on the 15 th of May next, depends either the Ruin of the Country 
and of Religion if he be not assisted, or the Slstablishment of 
Religion, Commerce and the Kings' Power over all North America 
if he be gj-anted the aid he domandsi. 



If the merit in the eyes of God, the Glory and utility which 
tlie King will derive from this succor be considered, it is easy 
to conclude that expense w.s never better employed since, inde- 
jiendent of the Salvation of the quantity of Souls in that vast 
Country to which His Majesty will contribute bji establishing the 
Faith there, he will secure to himself an Empire of more than a 
thousand leagues in extent, from the mouth of the River Saint 
Lawrence to that of the River Mississipi in the Gulf of Mexico ; 
a country discovered by the French alone, to which other nations 
have no right, and from which we shall eventually derive great 
Commercial advantages, and a considerable augmentation of His 
Majesty's Revenues in those countries. 

The Marquis de Denonville, whose zeal, industry and capacity 
admit of no addition, requires a reinforcement of l&OO men to 
succeed in his enterprize. If less be granted him, success is 
doubtful and a war is made to drag along, the continuation of 
which for many years will cost His Majesty more to surtaia 
than would the immediate expense necessary to guarantee its 
success and prompt termination. 

It is necessary to attack the Iroquois in two directions. The 
first and principal attack, through the Seneca Nation on the bor- 
ders of Lake Ontario ; the second, by the River Richelieu and 
Lake Champlain on the side of the Mohawk Natimi. 3000 
Frenchmen will be required for that purpose. Of these there are 
sixteen companies which make 800 men and 800 selected from the 
habitansy 100 of the best of which the Governor General des- 
tines to conduct 50 canoes which will go and come incessantly 
to convey provisions. . Of these 3000 Frenchmen, of which he 
has only the half though he boasts of more for reputation's sake, 
because the other hahitam are necessary to protect and cultivate 
the farms of the Colony, a part must be employed in guarding 
the posts of Fort Frotenac, Niagara-, Toronto, Missilimakinak so 
as to secure the aid he expects from the Illinois and other Savages, 
on whom however he cannot rely unless he will be able alone to 
defeat the Five Iroquois Nations. 

The Iroquois force consists of two thousand picked warriors 
(iTe/ife) brave, active, more akiHul in the use of the g^n than 


r i 





'I 'I 





*'M '','■■' 





our Europeans and all well arroed ; besides twelve hundred 
Mohcgans {Loups)^ another tribe in alliance with them as brave 
as they, not including the English who will supply them with 
officers to lead them, and to fortify them in their villages. 

If they be no( attacked all at once at the two points indicated, 
it is impossible to destroy them or to drive them from their re* 
treat, but if encompassed on both sides, all their plantations of 
Indian corn will be destroyed, their villages burnt, their women, 
their children and old men captured and other warriors driven 
into the woods where they will be pursued and annihilated by the 
other savages. 

After having defeated and dispersed them the winter must be 
spent in fortifying the post of Niagara, the most important in 
America, by means of which all the other nations will be shut 
out from the lakes whence all the peltries are obtained ; it will 
be necessary to winter troops at this post and at others, to pre- 
▼eni the Iroquois returning and reestablishing themselves there, 
and to people these beautiful countries with other savages who 
will have served under us during this war. ' ; •. j «u , > 

i J>r'^.--«J 



YEBSAUXES, 30*>> MARCH, 1687. 

[Paris Doo. III.] 

His Majesty has no knowledge of the claim of Colonel 
D'Unguent for 25» ii>* which he pretends to be due lum in France'; 

therefore He has nothing to say about it. 

• ••••••••• 

His Majesty has seen the Memoir that the said Sieur de Denon- 
ville has sent of the measures he has adopted and the orders he 
has given for the ensuing campaign. He approves of them and 
doubti) not of success, and that it will be as favorable as can be 
expected having to do only with Savages who have no experience 

as to r 

to coll 

he is, 



ber of 

make u 

to retail 

His Ma 

send th( 

these sh 

' I ft 




from the 
health an 
all my er 
from thoi 
tinue in ( 
they con( 
that, but 
goes to w 
in all pro 
King of 
place andl 
no materl 
Canada a I 
no more 
leave all 
and the pj 
will do tl 



ai to regular war, whilst, on the contrary, those he will be abla 
to collect, being led by a roan $o capable and so experienced ti 
he is, will be of great utility. 

Finally, He expects to learn at the close of this year, the entir* 
destruction of the greatest part of those Savages. And as a num- 
ber of prisoners may be made, and His Majesty thinks he can 
make use of them in his Galleys, He desires him to manage so as 
to retain them until he have vessels for France j by the return of 
His Majesty's Ships which will convey the troops he can, even, 
send those which will have been captured before the departure of 
these ships. , , , , ,. , , ,. , ,,^ , , 




[Lond. Doe. Y.] ^ , > 

20 M af. 1687, 
Reverend Father — ^I have received yours of the tenth currant 
from the Onnondages and am heartily glad that you are in good 
health and as much as lyes in me you may bee assured 1 will do 
all my endeavors to protect you from the danger you apprehend 
from those people and all those others of your fraternity that con- 
tinue in doing good service, I am sorry that our Indians are soe 
troublesome to the Indians of Cannida but I am informed from 
Christians that it is the custom of those people, that what country 
they conquer belongs to them as their own, yet I lay no stress on 
that, but I am still in doubt whither that land where the Indiana 
goes to warr belongs to our King or to the King of France, but 
in all probability if I bee truly informed it must depend on th« 
King of England territories it lying west and by south of this 
place and your countryes lye to the northward of us but that is 
no material reason for the Indians to disturbe the people of 
Canada and I will use my endeavour that they shall disturbe them 
no more but leave the decision of that to my master at home as I 
leave all other things which relates to any difference between us 
and the people of Canada and I am sure that Mon*' de Novills 
will do the same — 

' ii 



dekontillg'b expedition to the 



I have not spoke to the Indians as yet. Your messenger being 
in hast cannot give an account what they can say for themselves, 
but to continue a right understanding between the Government 
of Canada and this if any of the Indians will doe any thing to 
disturbe the King of France's subjects, let the Governour sent to 
ne and I will doe all the justice that is possible for me to do and 
if he will do the same it will be a meane to keep those people in, 
and to see both Governments in a good correspondence one with 
another. But I hear they pretend that they are affraid of the 
French but I hope that Mons' de Nonville will well weigh the 
business before he invades any of the King of England's subjects 
— I have no time to write to him at present but assure him of 
my humble service and that I will write to him before I goe, 
haveing no other businesse here in sending for the Indians but to 
check them for offering to disturbe the people of Canada 
Reverend Father 

. I am your humble servant 

(Signed) Tho: Dongak 

I pray you to pray to God for me 

M iS 


iJ' [Par. Doe. III.] -/ ^ % 

,&■■: ■ - ' ..--^ • . - 

8 June 1687. 

I am informed that the English have given notice to the Senecas 
that I am going to attack them, and have obliged them to run 
ftfl'jr six hundred men of their tribe who were at war against the 
l,i\ imis; our allies, to induce them to return to defend their country 
against us. Other war parties who had gone against tlie people 
towards Virginia have also returned through the same troubles. 
The consternation of our enemies thus cr^4s Colonel Dongan 
very dear. I have learned that a party has come from Virginia 
who brought a dozen prisoners, Englishmen, whom they will 
also hum, and this is a matter about which Monsieur Dongan 
gives himself scarce any trouble. 




ku • [Loud* Doe. T.] 

11th June 1687. 
Sir — ^The enclosed' came to my hands last night from England 
with orders to have it prbclaimed which has accordingly bin 
done, what is there agreed upon I will observe to the least title 
and I doubt not but your Excell : will do the same and I hope 
bee so kinde as not desire or seek any correspondence with our 
Indians of this side of the Great Lake if they doe amisse to any 
of your Goverm* and you make it known to me you shall have 
all justice done and if any of your people disturbe us I will have 
the same recourse to you for satisfaction as for those further 
Nations, I suppose that to trade with them is free and common to 
us all until the meets and bounds bee adjusted though truly the 
scituation of those partes bespeakes the King of England to have 
a greater right to theta than the French king, they lying to the 
southward of us just on the back of other partes of our King's 
dominions and a very great way from you, I am informed by 
some of our Indians that your Excell : was pleased to desire them 
to meet you at Cadaraque ; I could hardly beleive it till I had a 
letter from Father Lamberville, wherein he informs me that 'tis 
true, I am also informed of your Fathers' endeavours dayly to 
carry away our Indians to Canada as you have already done a 
great many, you must pardon me if I tell you that that is not the 
right way to keepe fair correspondence — I have also been informed 
that you are told I have given to Indians orders to rob the 
French where\ er they could meet them, that is as false as tis true 
that God is in heaven, what I have done was by your own desire 
\^l)ich was that I should suffer none of Canada to come to Albany 
witliQut they had your passe in compiyance wherewith I ordered, 
both, the Indians and people of Albany that if they found any 
French or English on this side of the great Lake without either 
your passe or mine, they should seize them and bring them to 


i i 

, I 

I ■ 


dekomville's expedition to the 



_ M ; 

<■ i 



(■;! !^ 

Albany : I am now sorry that I did it since its not agreeable to 
you and has as I am informed hindered the comeing of a great 
many Beauers to this place — ^I shall therefore recall the orders. 
I am daily expecting Religious men from England which I intend 
to put amongst those five nations. I desire you would order 
Mons' de Lamberuille that soe long as he stayes airongst those 
people he would meddle only with the affairs belonging to his 
function and that those of our Indians that are turned Cathv)lique8 
and live in Canada may content themselves with their being alone 
without endevouring to debauch others after them, if they do 
and I can catch any of them I shall handle them very severely. 
S' setting aside the trust my master has reposed in me I should be 
as ready and willing to serve Mons' de Nonuille as any friend he 
has, I could wish with all my heart the wildernesse betwixt us 
were not soe great but that there were conveniences whereby we 
might see one another often, for I have as much respect for all 
the people of quality of your nation especially such as have serued 
in the armies as any man in the world can have : as for neweS| 
the ships lately come from England say all things are at peace 
both there and in France and that both our Masters are in very 
good health and that the Emperour and the King of Poland are 
very vigorous against the Turques — 

I am Sir 

our most humble servant 
' '^ ■ (Signed) Tho. Dongan 

Sr I send you some Oranges hearing they are a rarity in your 
partes, and would send more, but the bearer wants conueniency 
of Carriage — 



(Pari* Doe. III.l 

I yesterday received a letter from M. de Denonville from Cata- 
racouy of the 3'"'' of this month, informine; me that he sends me 



fifty Iroquois taken near that place, to forward them to France in 
the King's Ships, conformably to his orders. I'll take advantage 
of the delay of the Fourgon, in which I shall have them embarked, 
and as the crew is too few to convey so many prisoners, very dif- 
ficult to be guarded, I reinforce them by some passengers and 
sailors from a merchantman, the Catharine, which was wrecked 
last autumn near Tadoussac, and could not be got off. 

•'. .. ;.';;v. 



[Paris Doe. III.] 

Ville Marie, 25 August, 1687. 

The first thing with which I occupied myself on my arrival [at 
Irondequoit Bay] was to select a post easy to be fortified for se- 
curing our batteaux to the number of 200 and as many canoes. 
We cut 2000 palisa«les which we finished planting in the forenoon 
of the 12U»of July. , 

I had brought with me Sieur d'Orvilliers as the fittest to receive 
the whole of Canada into his hands ; for the loss of this post 
would be the assured loss of the whole country which obliged me 
to leave 440 men there. 

On the 12'^'» I departed at three o'clock in the evening with all 
our French and Indian allies and Christians having caused them 
to take 15 days provisions. We only made three leagues that day 
across i,he woods which are very open. 

On the 13''' abort four o'clock in the afternoon, having pass- 
ed throngh two i.dngerous defiles, we arrived at the third 
where we were very vigorously attacked by 800 Senecas, 200 of 
whom fired, wishing to attack our rear whilst the remainuer of 
their force would attac': our front, but the resistance they met 
produced such a great consternation that they soon resolved to 
fly. All our troops were so overpowered by the extreme heat 
and the long journey we had made that we were obliged to bi- 
vouac on the field until the morrow. We witnessed the ptunful 

r ' ' ! 



i ■ 


» ; 




'' 1 "'I 

Ir- if. 


j » '« 





sight of the usual cruelties of the savages who cut the dead into 
quarters, as in slaughter houses, in order to put them into the 
pot ; the greater number were opened while still warm that their 
blood might be drank. Our rascally Otaous distinguished them- 
selves particularly by these barbarities and by their poltroonery, 
for they withdrew from the combat ; the Hurons of Michilimaquina 
did very well, but our Christian l«?dians surpassed all and per- 
formed deeds of valour, especially our IrOv.^uois of whom we durst 
not make sure having to fight against theii relatives. The Illinois 
performed their duty well. We had five or t>.'x men killed on the 
spot, French and Indians, and about twenty wounded, among,the 
first of whom was the Rev : Fath : Angleran, superintendent of 
the Otaous missions, by a very severe gunshot. It is a great mis- 
fortune to us that this wound will prevent him going back again, 
for he is a man of capacity, of great influence who has conducted 
every thing at Miclulimaquina well, and to whom the country 
owes vast obligations. For had it not been for him the Iroquois 
had been long since established at Michilimaquina. 

We learned from some prisoners who had escaped from the Sene- 
cas that this action cost them 45 men killed on the field, 25 of 
whom we had seen at the shambles ; the others were seen buried 
by this deserter, and over 60 very severely wounded. 

On the next day, ]4^ii July, we marched to one of the large 
villages Avhere we encamped. We found \i burned and a fort 
quite nighy abandoned; it was very advantageously situated on a hill. 

I deemed it our best policy to employ ourselves laying waste 
the Indian corn which was in vast abundance in the fields, rather 
than follow a flying enemy to a distance and excite our troops to 
catch only some straggling fugitives. 

We learned from deserters that the Senecas had gone; to the 
English where they will not be allowed to want for any thing 
necessary to make war on us. Since that time I have had no 
news of the enemy. 

We remained at the four Seneca villages until the 2^^^ ; the 
two larger distant 4 leagues, and the others two. All that time 
was spent in destroying the corn which was in such great abun- 
dance that the loss, including old com which was in cache which 

we bu 

to the 

corn. > 


many I 



after th 

them th 



not see j 

had been 

them too 


been abli 

fatigue ai 

disband, ( 

irt their pi 

rage then 

■ I selec 

river ; it 

plan of w 
the troubl 
"Riis po 
there unde 
thern exps 
serves somi 
tion. He 
dent and in 
This pos 
faring nc ^ 
They have 
hnrass there 

I I, 



we burnt and that which w^as standing, was computed according 
to the estimate afterwards made, at 400 thousand minots of Indian 
corn. ■ These four villages must exceed 14 to 15 thousand souls. 
There was a vast quantity of hogs which were killed j a great 
many both of our Indians and French were attacked with a general 
rheum which put every one out of humor. 

'Tis an imfortunate trade, my lord, to command savages who, 
after the first broken hiead ask only to return home carrying with 
them the scalp which they lift off like a leather cap. You cannot 
conceive the trouble I had to detain them until the corn was cut. 

During the whole time we were in the Senecas country we did 
not see a single enemy, which caused me divers alarms lest they 
had been at our batteaux, but terror and consternation deterred 
thetu too much IVom effecting their first threats. 

Returning to our batteaux I should have greatly wished to hav« 
been able to visit other villages, but the sickness^ the extreme 
fatigue among all and the uneasiness of the savages w!k> he^m to 
disband, determined me to proceed to Niagara to erect a fort Inere 
in their presence, and point out to them a fiure asylum to encou- 
rage them to come this winter to war in small bodies. 

I selected the angl« of the Lake on the Seneca side of the 
river ; it i^ the most beautiful, the most pleasing and the mo^st 
advantageous site that is on the whole of thisLakfe, the Map and 
plan of which you will have if fc-i*tur de Ville Mprie will take 
the trouble, for I tormented him considerably for it ; I sent him 
expressly to Quebec that he may have nothing else to do. 

Ubis post being in a state of defence I left a hundred men 
there under the command of Sieur de Troyes who ro\a. the Nor- 
thern expedition last year. He is a worthy fellow sviio richly de- 
serves some share in ihe honour of yotkt good graces and protec- 
tion. He can be very useful to you in many thiAgs; he k pru- 
dent and intelligent, very willing, and has well served on land. 

This post has caused much joy to all our farther Indians, who 
having nc place of retreat, scarcely dared to approach the enemy. 
They have made me great promises — especially our Illinois— to 
harass them this winter by a number of small parties. 
1 A mlnot is eqaal to thre« bushels. 

! i 


denonville's expetttion to tbe 


m ' 


M. de Tonty had returned with them designing to invite them 
to come. He could collect only very few savages because an 
alarm had been spread among them of a large body of Senecas 
having departed last fall on a war expedition against them, which 
fell through on the information Mr. Dongan gave the Senecas 
that I was about to attack them ; yet. as this large force had 
marched six days, it was the cause that of six @ 700 savages on 
whom we relied, only 80 came, which was the reason of their 
having been obliged to come to 'he fort of Detroit to join Sieurs 
du L'hut and de la Durantaye not being able to take the Senecas 
in the rear. < 

On quitting Nl gi^a I xvh M. de Vaudreiiil there for a few daya 
with the troops 1 > cut f}.s:s wood, after having done what was 
necessary for lod;ir;^^ 'xh*>, inconvenience of this post is, that 
timber is at a dist^ace Ircm it. M. de Calli^res and I returnod 
without delay with our hahitans to issue the orders necessary for 

the interior of the Colony. 

* • • • • • • . 

I have not yet told you, my lord, that the hahitans who left the 
l(«wer part of the Colony, will on their return to their homes, 
have made four hundred and sixty leagues from the 24 May to 
about the 17t'» or IS*'* of August, You will well conceive that, 
what with the two forts which it was necefisary to build, the des- 
truction of the enemy's corn and the thirty leagues of road we 
had, going and coming, to travel by ]und, they will not have been 

It was impossible for us to dc any more than we accomplished, 
for provisions would have failed us had we madt. a lonjei' delay. 
It is full 30 years that ! have had the honour to serve, but I a» 
sure you, my lord, that I have seen nothing that comes near this 
in labour and fatigue. 

You ordered nie to send you the prisoners we took. You have 
perceived, ray lord, it was impossible for us to make any among 
the Senecas, and even had we made any, we should have distribu- 
ted them among the savages our allies and those who made the 
seizure in the neighbourhood of Fort Cataracouy who are them- 

selves 1 


their nu 

for our : 

more cl< 


near rela 

of the O 

detach tl 


ments of i 


tent mys( 

are guiltlc 

good as to 

in case of 

believe ths 

men and cl 

in the Cole 

baptised, tc 

if it be inj 

The cop 

the head (a 

not yet dis 

sures me th 

low as gold 

heated, it is 

ing this pie( 

of it. 


•elves native Iroquois, but for the most part from villages north of 
Lake Ontario Tvhere there had been some fine and large which the 
Iroquois south of said Lake forced to join them; this began to swell 
their numbers and depopulate the northern border. It would be 
for our interest to repeople tl ese villages because they would be 
more close allies, and under ojr control. ,.,;,, 

Among th,e prisoners there a'-e some I cannot send you, being 
near relatives of our Christian Indians. Besides there are some 
of the Onnontagu^ village whom we must manage with a view to 
detach them from tlie Scnecas, and to use them for purposes of 
negotiation if necessary. As I have not yet any news of the move- 
ments ot the Iroquo'iS, I should much like not to dispose of all these 
prisoners. Nevertheless, my lord, as you desire them, I shall. con- 
tent myself by retainingthose only who will be of use to me and 
are guiltless of all the disorders of others. Yet, my lord, be so 
good as to keep them in a place from which they can be withdrawn, 
in case of need and we finally come to a general arrangement ; I 
believe that would be a very useful thing. Regarding their wo- 
men and children, I had them distributed through all our missions 
in the Colony. All the men, women and children had themselves 
baptised, testifying joy on that occasion. It remains to be seen 
if it be in good faith. 

The copper of which I sent a sample to M. Arnou is found at 
the head (aufond) of Lake Superior. The body of the mine is 
not yet discovered. I have seen one of our voyageurs who as- 
sures me that he saw, 15 months ago, a lump 200 weight, as yel- 
low as gold in a river which falls into Lake Superior. When 
heated, it is cut with an axe, but the superstitious Indians regard- 
ing this piece as a good Spirit would never permit him to take any 
of it. 



t • » 

t I 

Ml ■■■' •'. 





[Pari! Doc. III.] ... 

On the nineteenth of July, One thousan*! six hundred and eighty 
seven, the troops commanded by Messire Jacques Rcn6 de Bi'isay 
Chevalier Seigneur Marquis de Denonville and othet places, Go- 
verhor and Lieutenant General for the King throughout the whole 
of Cana<!a and country of New France, in presence of Hector, 
Chevalier dc Calli^re, Governor of Montreal in said country. 
Commandant of the camp under his orders, and of Philip de Rigaud, 
Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Commandant of the King's troops, which 
being drawn up in the order of battle, Charles Aubert Sieur de ia 
CShenays citizen of Quebec, deputed by Messire Jean Bochart, 
Chevalier, Seigneur de Champigny, Norvj , Verneuil and other 
places. Privy Councilor to the King, Intendant of Justice, Police 
and Finance, in all Northern France, presented himself at the 
head of the army, who stated and declared that on the requisition 
of the said Seigneur de Champigny, he took possession of the 
village of Totiakton, as he has done of the other three villages of 
Gannagaro, Gannondata and Gannongarae, and of a Fort half a 
league distant from the said village of Gannagaro, together with 
all the lands in their vicinity as many and how far soever they 
may extend, conquered in His Majesty's name, and to that end 
has planted in all the said Villages and Forts His said Majesty's 
Arms and has caused to be proclaimed in loud voice, Vive te iZot, 
after the said t oops had beaten and routed eight hundred Iroquois 
Senecas, and laid waste, burnt and destroyed their provisions and 
cabins. Whereof and of what precedes, the said Sieur de la 
Chenays Aubert has required an Acte j granted to him by me Paul 
Dupuy Esq. Councilor of the King and his Attorney at the Pro- 
vost's Court of Quebec : Done at the said Village of Totiakton, 
the largest of the Sen«ca Villages in presence of the Rev^ Father 
Vaillant, Jesuit, and of the Officers of the Troops and of the 
Militia Witnesses with me, the said King's Attorney undersigned, 
the day and year above mentioned, and have signed the Minute, 



tor the fi 

This (i 
hundred : 
c«rn, in . 
of Montr 
under our 
dreuil, Co 
the army 
against tb 
gara situa 
five leagu< 
of the Ri\ 
coming frc 
several otl 
and in the 
Post of N 
made there 
by Sieur 1 
above the ( 
which the 
the said Sit 
settlers at 

> % 

i I 



Charles Aubert de la Chenays, J. Rend de Brisay Monsieur de 
D^nonville, Chevalier de Calli^rc, Fleutelot de Romprey, de 
Desmeloizes, de Rauiezay, Francois Vaillant of the Society of 
JeflQS) de Qrandville) de Longueuil, Saint Paul and Dupuy. 




[PariiDoo. lU.l ' * 

Jacques REirf de Brissat Chevalier Seigneur Marquis de 
DenoBville and other places, Governor and Lieutenant General 
lor the King in the whole extent of Canada and Country of New 

This day, the last of July of the year One Thcasand Six 
hundred and Eighty seven, We declare to all whom it may c(m- 
eern, in presence of Hector, Chevalier de CalU6res, Governor 
of Montreal in the said Country and Commandant of the Camp 
under our orders, and of Philippe Derigaud, Chevalier de Yau- 
dreuil, Commanding the King's troops, being encamped with all 
the army at the post of Niagara, returning from our expedition 
against the Seneca villages, that being come to th? camp of Nia- 
gara situate south of Lake Ontario west of the Senecas, "twenty- 
five leagues above them, in the angle of land East of the mouth 
of the River of the same name which is the outlet of Lake Eiie, 
coming from Lakes Huron^ Illinois, the Great Lake Superior and 
several others beyond the said Great Lake, to reiterate anew for, 
and in the name of the King the taking Possession of the said 
Post of Niagara, several establishments having been formerly 
made there many years since by the King's order, and especially 
by Sieur De la Salle having spent several years two leagues 
above the Great Fall of Niagara where he had a Bark built which 
navigated several years Lakes Erie, Huron and Illinois, and of 
which the stocks {les chantiers) are still to be seen. Morerover 
the said Sieur De la Salle having erected quarters (logemens) with 
settlers at the said Niagara in the year one thousand six hundred 

\ ; 

r i. 


i V 

I i 


dkmonvillk's kxpkditiom to the 

and Sixty Eight which quarters were burned Twelve years ago 
by the SenecaS) which is one of the causes of discontent that with 
many others have obliged us to wage war against them, and as 
we considered that the houses we have thought fit to rebuild could 
not remain secure during the war, did we not provide for tbeui, 
We have Resolved to construct a Fort there in which we have 
placed one hundred men of the King's troops to garrison the same 
under the command of Sieur de Troyes, one of the Veteran Cap- 
tains of His Majesty's Troops with a necessary number of Officers 
to command said soldiers. 

This Acte has been executed in Our presence and in that of 
Monsieur Gaillard, Commissary on behalf of the King attached 
to the Army and subdelegate of Monsieur de Champigny, Intend- 
ant 01 Canada : which Acte We have signed with Our hand am 
sealed with Our Seal at Arms, and caused to be subscribed by 
Mess''" de Calli^res and Vaudreuil and by Monsieur Gaillard, and 
countersigned by Our Secretary. And they sign : J. RenIT de 
Brissay, Marquis de Denoxiyille, Ic Chevalier de Calli^res, Che- 
valier de Vaudreuil, Gaillard ; and lower dow;:i by Monseigneur 
Tophlin. ' 


[From Council Min. Y.] 


■■ it 

' (fort James Tuesday y« I9th July i6S7. (O. S.) 

Mr Brockholes Informed y^ Counrill he is now Come from 
Albany & SchanectaHe with Instructions ffrom the Govern' to 
bring up with all convenient speed a Certain Number of Men & 
some Provisions . _ ' , 

The Instructions Read 

Ordred that sixty men be raysed out of y» Citty & County of 
New York & sixty men out of Queens County that Warrants be 
forthwith made out to Major Willett to Raise the men in y* 
Queens County and to Coll. Bayard to raise y« men in y* Citty 
&. County of New York, that an Expresse be Im^iliately sent 
to Major Willett with y^ s^ Warrant & that he & Coll. Bayard have 
their Complement of Men Well armed in fTo. ' James on y« 22"» 






[London Doo. Y.] 

New York, 10 July 1687. 
Sir — I am invited by your favours to give you by this occasion 
acknowledgements and also to acquainte you that Mr. Swinton 
departed this life the Z^ currant, after that he had been violently 
seized with three fitts of an apoplexie. In the interval of his fitts 
he was very sencible but without apprehensions of death, how- 
ever was prevailed with to make a will, by which has constituted 
Mr Delaval his executor, his affairs are in great confusion, and 
he judged to be mdebted j£300. besides what his engagements 
may be to you, his Excell: being at Albany. The Councill sealed 
up the office in which state it now remains and will continue until 
His Excell* pleasure be knowen. Mr Knights in the mean time 
does the service of the office. Last night I received a letter from 
his £xcell: in which aduiseth that the French had assaulted the 
Senaquaes, and were worsted, report by other hands saying the 
French had 300 men killed, the certainty wants confirmation, 
however, its consequence is like to be very injurious to us, we 
having already very little trade, besides are likely to be ingaged 
in a bloody warr. whose events is uncertain, we are strangely sur- 
prised with the french proceedings, not knowing what moves them 
to invade his Maj*y» dominions, without giving notice, and so 
soon after the publication of the treaty of Commerce betwixt the 
two Crowns— P the next which will be Jacob Maurits His Excell: 
will give you a full account of his resolves, he having sent a 
messenger to the French which is not yet returned. Five days 

agoe. My Lord Effingham ....S' Robert Parker arryved 

here from Virginia, he laments the Govemours absence otherwise 
wer satisfied with his entertainments ; all your friends are well, 
my wife kisseth your hands and joins with me in the request that 
you would give our duty to our Father, our service to Major 
Baxter, to whom please to excuse not writing, being strained with 
time, and accept of the assurance that I am Sir 

Your affectionate friend and most humble servant 

Ja Graham 

i r 

! 1 

]\ ■ 


<^ A 






■^ lU 12.2 



u lili 

^ L& 12.0 






1 '"^^ 

||l.4 ..6 











(716) 872-4503 





vsaxxuma*^ ezvedition to rax 




[Loud. Doe. t".] 

the Groyr of Canada last fall, sent word to the SachcmB of ^1 
the TiveKations to come and speak with him at Cadarachqui thitt 
spring, which wee acquainted His Excellency withall, but in pur- 
suance to his Excell°y* commands wee being the King of Englandi 
subjects, thought ourselfs aoways obliged to hearken to him, and 
therefore refused to go, and shortly after wee heard by an Onoor 
dage Indian that had lived long at Cadaiacbqili) that the Gov of 
Canidahad a des^ to warr upon us, for bee had seen a great 
deal of amunicion and iron Dubletts brought to Caduadiqiu, and 
that a Frenchman at Cadarachqiu told him, that they would vnurr 
witb all the Five Nations, About ten days after wee gott the news, 
that the Gov<^ of Ganida with his army was seen eneampt att the 
side of the Lake with many Canoes about balfe way between 
Onnondage and Cadarachqiu : upon which they sent a hundred 
men to the Lake side to spy ^ who see a Serke aeet Irondequat 
the landing place a Lyeing by and nott att anker they nent four 
men in a Canoe to haile them, there orders from the Sachems be- 
ing ocpressly not to doe the French any harme, and whtti ihey 
hailed them, the French answered in base language : Enustogan^ 
horrio, squa, which is as much in theire language as the Devil 
take you, whereupon they paddled for the shore, and told the rest 
of theire companions, what answer they had, the hundred men 
went forthwith to the Castles, and told the Sachems, what they 
had seen, who foithwith sent twenty men to spy what theire de- 
signe was, and they see another Barke come to the first, and while 
they were their* as scouts spied a great many of the Twichtwich 
Indians come by land, and had almost environed them before they 
were awarr of th«m : toe twenty men sedng tlus, went up^ fbrtli- 
with to the Castles and had much adoe to gett through, and the 
Sachems having senfc out tluee Spysy, after the twenty, to see 
what the French would have, and before the three were come to 

4-1 VI, 

anovKE oowraiT aits mkaoaaa. 


4ke Lake side (it bang about twenty milea from their CasUes) the 
French Av|ny out of Barks and Cannoes was landed^ they seemg 
Uiat. called to them and asked what they were intoided to do, A 
Maquase answered out of the Army. You Blqckheads, F)l tell 
you what I am come to doe, to msr upon you, and to morrow I 
will macck up with my army to your Castlesy and as soone as hee 
had spoke they fyred upon the three Iiida* butt they runn hom« and 
brought the news to ^e Sachems about the twighligfat, The 
Saefaems upon this news concluded to conrey their wives and chil- 
dren, and old men away, and beeing busy thereabouts all n«tt 
da^r, most parte retiring to Gajouge, and the rest to a Lake to 
the Soodiwnrd of there Castles in the meantime the Frent^ 
were as good as there words, and marched iq> halfe way between 
the landing place and the Castles and there encamped that night ; 
As soon as the women and children were fled, their fired their 
own Catties and all the men being gon to convey thon away ex- 
cept a.hundred in a small Fort who had sent out Spyes and re- 
oeived informati<m that the Fiendi were upon there march towards 
them, ^ey sent forthwith messeng^s to th^n that were conveying 
the Women and Children and desired the assistance of as many of 
their young men as could conveniently bee spared to turn back and 
face ika Ft-eneh and give battle : whereupon 350 turned bade and 
joyned with the hundred, butt being all young men, were 60 ea- 
ger to fall on, that the officers could not bring them in a posture 
to ^igage, they went out about halfe a league from the Castle, 
on a small hill, and there stayed for the French army, but the 
officers could not persuade them to be in order there neither, all 
being so fiery to engage, and having scoutts out, brought them 
intelligence, that they were approaching and how they marched, 
viz^ the Right and left wing being Indians and the Body French, 
and when they came in sight of the Sinnekes, the French not 
seeing them q»tt,d<Kvrn to reft themselves and 1|te Indians like- 
wise ; the Sinnekes seeing this advance upon the left wing being 
Indians, the French seeing them stood to theire arms and gave 
them fiist vtlky, and then the Enemy Ind^* that were on the left 
wing ; iriliereupun the Sinnekes answered them with another. 
whioh'Oocaiianed soe jpucb amoak that they eouid scarce see one 


i I 

I t 

• (■ 

i . 





another, wherefore they immediately runn in and came to hardy 
blows and putt the left wing to the flight, some went quite away 
and some fled to the reare of the French,, and when that wing was 
broake, they chained and fyred upon the French and the other 
Indians. The French retired about 150 paces and stood still, the 
Sinnekes continued the fight with there Hatchets, butt perceiving 
at last that the French were too numerous and would not give 
ground, some of the Sinnekes begun to retreat, whereupon the 
French Indians cryed out, the Sinnekes run and the rest heareing 
that followed the first party that gave way and so gott off from 
another and in there retreat were followed about half an English 
mile, and if the Enemy had followed them further, the Sinnekes 
would have lost abundance of people because they carried off 
there wounded men and were resolved to stick to them, and not 
leave them. 

The young Indian that was in the engagement relates that after 
the engagement whs over, when the Sinnekes were gott upon a 
Hill, they see a party of Fresh French come up, the French called 
to them and bid them stand and fight, but the Sinnekes replyed, 
come out four hundred to our four hundred and wee have butt a 
hundred men and three hundred boyes, and' wee will fight you 
hand to fist. The said Boy being asked, whether he see any of the 
French with Gorges about there necks, it was to hott, they were 
to numerous. 

There was amongst the 460 Sinnekes five women, who engaged 
as well as the men, and were resolved not to leave their husbands 
but live and dye with them 

,., . A true copy examined p me 

RoB^ Livingston Cl . 

!,!:■-■ i (i. 

*?■■;»*',¥( -J 




Ptond. Doe. V.] 

31 AngoMtt 1687. 
A few days after the French came and gave him and all the 
Xndiant in the Chriitiant CasUe, each tbisty bullets and a double 



handfull of powder, and bad them appeare att a French Gents 
house, neare Mont Royall : the Christian Indians being about 
one hundred and twenty or thirty strong, in meane time the 
French and other Nations of Indians all appeared at Mont Royall, 
and the second day after that the Gov' himselfe ; the number of 
the French being two thousand and of all the Indians one thou- 
sand. The army went all by water in about two hundred boates 
in each Boate some seaven and some ten menn, the rest went in 
Canoes, they were sometimes forced to draw the Boates with 
Cordes against the Trenches, the Provisions being part in the 
Bo&ts and a great deal sent upp before at Kadraghke : they were 
going up from Mont Royall to Kadraghke three dayes, makeing 
verry short journeys ; att Kadaraghkie they rested three dayes 
from thence they went and lay att night upon an Island, the night 
after they lay at Cadranganhie next morning about nine the clock 
they saw ten Onnondages att Aranhag^; the Gov- gave orders 
not to meddle with them, upon that the Onnondages gave a greate 
shout and went their way, and the army went along the shore- 
side to a passage that goes to the Cayouges ; the day following they 
saw a Brigantine att anker, and all the army went ashore and lay 
there that night. Some of the French went aboard the Brigan- 
tine where Arnout was, as this Examinant has heard ; next day 
the army went along and att Jedandago, the Gov^^ landed fifty 
men to discover the place and the rest went on to lerondokat 
where alt the same time they mett with the French that came from 
Twightwig and Dowaganha with their Indians, then the Gov' 
ordered the Xtian Maquasse and some other Indians to bee putt 
in the middle of the army and stayed there three dayes till the 
Fort was finished, in the meane time four or five Indians came 
and asked what the matter was, and why the French came so 
strong in their Country, the French answered (by a Xtian Ma- 
quasse) wee come to meet you, the Sinnakes asked againe, and 
said, why doe you make a Fort, you should butt come on, for we 
intend to kill you all in a short time. The third day the army 
marched in the afternoone and came that night about half way 
between the Lake and Sinnakes Castle : next morning very early 
after prayers they marohed on all the Indians being putt on the 

1 I 

! i 




dkboVtillkHi k&psditioii to the 


T 1- 
1. ■- 

If ' ^ 

right side somewhat before the French, and we Barekeil on till 
about noone, then the Indians would boyle their potts, butt -the 
Gov bid them march on, till they cane upon a greate hUt from 
whence the QoV sent three Dowaganhas to i^e towarda the 
Sinnakea Castle, who were out butt » little time, and returribg 
said that the Sinnakes w«re nesjce by and lay in the passage^ upon 
which the Gov gave order that one hundred Indians should bee 
chosen out and sent to discover the Sinnakes, who went but mA 
farr before the army then the Gov' sent out againe four Dowa- 
ganhas Indians and one Frenchman to discover, who went out, 
and stood in the path till the army came to them, and a little time 
after fouer hund'^ SinijUres appeared att the fight side of the 
army, where the Fren^ Indians were and with grcate cry or shout, 
fyred «pon them widnrnt wounding one mann being too fur;' off, 
butt the Sinnakes advancing came nearer by, and fyred againc, 
then the French Indians: got some wounded, who fyred also upon 
the Stiuiakes and wounded some of them, but the Sinnakes caiii« 
so neare, and tooke an Indian out of the French army, and eutt 
off htt bacds, the rest firing stoutly upon one and' the other, 
till the Douwaganhas and other French Indians fledwitiiottt k- 
tufning tOf the fight, butt the Maquass came up agaiae and stnod 
thmr ground till the whole body of the French, came firing ail att 
once upon the Sinnakes, soe that the Sinnakes retreated, having 
got some dead and wounded in that firing ; the OoV^ fotbidd fol- 
lowing of them having gott seven Frenchmen killed and many 
wounded and five dead Indians and several wounded ; of the:Sin- 
nakes were killed! sixteene and some wounded ; forthwith the 
Gov' gave orders that the army should fortify theraselvca at the 
aame place wiierie the Battle was and so stood there all that aight. 
Next mornJAg the whole army march^ towarck the Sinnake;! 
GaiKleeBQedKohoserag^e, leaving their dead Frenchmen unburried 
but the Indians hurried their dead, and earried all the wounded 
French and Indians with them to the aforesaid Castle, where one 
of the wounded men died at said Castle ; they found itt all 
burned, then the Gov' gave orders that the Christian Ittdiaas 
Aould eutt downe and destroy the Indians corne, which they re- 
fitted: •«« Frenchmen were sentaQiddegttoyed all th^ they cooM 




the sai 

they d 

they h 


ries, so 

burnt ai 

they coi 

would n 


Prom tl 

went ba( 

being bu 

there, thi 

directly 1 

would rel 


and stopt 

hetter tha 

till one Si 

rest of th( 

wee shoul 

it J come, 



that thay t 

soe were ft 

Lake till tl 

where the 

^^ Pattare 

son, Aftei 

returned to 

some men, 

there this 

to their Gas 

i • 





find. Afterwards the Gov' sent four hundred men to another 
small castle neare by, to surround tbfi sfone till the whole army 
should come, thinking the Sinnakes might bee there, butt found 
the same burned also, butt found ^ great deale of provisions which 
thej destroyed, takeing onlj some beanes along with them, for 
they had provisidns enough, every man carried some and (he 
Boates were loaden at Jerondekott with corne and other necessa- 
ries, soe the army went to every place where the Castles were 
burnt and lay att every Ctistle one night destroying all the corne 
they conkf finde except some out fields, which the Xtian Indians 
would not show thiem, TheSinnekes made severall times small 
allarmst butt never attacked the French, since the first fight. 
From the last Sinnekes Castle, called Theodehacto, the amy 
went back againe, by another way, as they came to Jerondekatt, 
being butt one night by the way, and were butt two dayes still 
there, then the Gov<^ gave orders tiiat the whoTe army should goe 
directly to Oneageragh butt the Xtian Indians refused itt butt 
would returne to Kadanigkie, and soe went that way, the OoV 
forthwith followed them with seven Qanoes, each seven menn, 
and stopt them saying, what is the matter that you leave us, it is 
better that wee goe and returne together ; butt they would not, 
tin one Smithis John stood up and spoke very loud, saying to the 
rest of the Xtian Indians, you hear what the Gov'*' will is, that* 
wee should goe up with him, if wee doe nut, he will force us to 
it ; come, you are lusty men let us goe with him, soe they were 
persuaded, and returned baek with the Gov', severall Canoes en- 
deavQUced yett to escape, butt w«re soe watched by the French, 
that thfty could not except two or three Canoes tibat stole away : 
soe were forced to. goe mth the French along the shore side of the 
Lake till they come to Oneagoragh being two datys by the way, 
where the French made a Fort and putt two great gunns and seve- 
ral Pattareras in it with four hundred men to bee there in Gara- 
son, After they had been there five dayes, the rest of the army 
returned to Cadarachque and slept there one night, and left there 
some men, from whence they went to Mont Royall in two dayes, 
there this deponent left the Gov' and the Christian Indians went 
to their Castles. 

s. ! 


r' |:. 

H. \ 


■,f ■■'■ ' 





[Ftrom Ooonell If In. Y.] 

Councill held at ffort James 

Thurs day y« I8t»» of Aug'. 1687. (O. S.) , 
Present His Ezcel«7 the Gover' &c. 

The account of the Expence that has been about the Seneckai 
& the fifrench, Read 

Resolved that it be taken into Consid'ation that the Councill Do 
tomorrow give their oppions about a Method for Rainng it, 

Councill held at ffort James 

ffriday y« 19th Aug"* 1687 

The Councill give their opions about Raising mony to Defray 
y^ expence about yo Indyans & y" ffrench 

Resolved that a penny in y* pound besides the former tax of a 
halfepenny in y* pound be raised out of y" Estates of the ffrehold" 
Inhabitants of Kings County queens County Dukes County Dutch- 
eses County Countys of Richmond Orange Suffolk & Westchester 
& one halfepenny in y« pAind out of y* Estates of y* Inhabitants 
& ffreehold'* of y" Cittys & Countys of New York and Albany 
& County of Ylster and the mony be brought in to y* Kings 
Collector at y' Custome house on or before y' first day of May 

Ordered that two bills be Drawn up for the same Accordingly 

Councill held at ffort James 

• liPvn 


Saturday August y« 20»'« 1687 
The Bill for Raiseing a penny in y« pound out of y" Estates 
of y« ffreehold" & Inhabitants of y« Kings Queens Dukes & 
Dutcheses Countys the Countys of Richmond Orange Westchester 
& Suffolk, Read and approved Passed and Signed by y« Govern' 
& Councill 


■ ': . '■• rti'f ''i^',- 

May it 
[for?] ; 
tells us tl 
Antho al 
1 Th 
release oi 
"upply th 

2 Thi 
the Sinne 
our peopli 

3 Ths 
of the In 
Indians pr 

4 He 
Christian '. 
the Maqui 
their breth 
all means 
see 5 Onn 
presents to 
to warr- 

6 The 
Indians, ex 
also if the} 
where they 
ation — 





(Lond. Doo. Y.] 

t Sept. 1687. 

Jtfay it please your Excellency 

Last night AnthT Lesjinard & Jean Rosie arrived here from 
Canada, have been twenty days upon the way, have letters from 
[for 1] your Excell: have therefore dispatched Antho7 with 2 
Indians down, his compagnion being sick, could not goe — 

The news your Excell: will hear of Anth^. neverthelesse have 
thought fitt to examine his compagnion, who is an honest man, 
tells us these following news, of which your Excell: may discourse 
Anth<* about at large — 

'^' 1 That he heard of father Valiant that the French will not 
release our people. Except that your Excell: will promise not to 
supply the Sinnokes with amunition or any other assistance — 

2 That Antho told him he heard one of the Fathers say, if 
the Sinnekes got any of there people prisoners would exchange 
our people for them, man for man. 

3 That they had now a great advantage of your Excell: and 
of the Indians also, having so many of our people and of the 
Indians prisoners — 

4 He heard the Jesuits say that Cryn and the rest of the 
Christian Indians, were no ways inclined to engage in the war if 
the Maquas, Oneydes and Onnondages were concern'd, because 
their brethren sisters, uncles ants ettc were there ; and therefore 
all means was used to engage said three nations to sit still, for he 
see 5 Onnondage Christian Indians dispatched with belts and 
presents to the Onnondages 26 days agoe, to persuade them not 
to warr — 

5 The French were not minded to warr with any of the 
Indians, except the Sinnekes, and would make a peace with them 
also if they would deliver to them 10 or 12 of the best Sachims 
children fpr hostage and then they would appoint them places 
where they should hunt: and so gett them wholly to their dispo- 

sition — 

I';''-' a-' 


** • 




6 The Goveraour of Canida sent for all the Bosslopers that 
were at Ottowawa and ordered them to come only with their 
arms and u.eet him at Cadarachqua which they did, being about 
300 men under the command of three French Capt"* and left their 
Bevers in the Jesuits house at Dionondade, and so marched with 
the Oovernour of Canida to the Sinoekes, in the mean tisM a 
fortunate fyer takes the house and bums them all to the number 
of 30|000 Bevers, when the news came to MooRoyal the Bo8»- 
k)per8 were like to go distracted — 

7 He beard by beat of Drumra proclaimed throu Mon Royall 
that as soon as the peace wag made with the Sinnekes the Otto- 
wawa trade should be farm'd out, which displeased the Bosslopers 
much and said, that if that was done they were all ruined — 

8 Many of the Bosslopers were inclined to come here not 
being minded to fi^t agaiast the Sinnekei, but dare not come for 
fear of the Indians by the way — 

9 Itt was generally beleev'd that the Sinnekes would come to 
Canida and begg for peace, because there corn was destroyed, 
and if they were supplyed by them of Albany they would come 
hither in the winter and plunder this place, having 1600 pare of 
snow shoes r^y mad«, and if they found that we gave the Sin- 
aakes any the least assistance} they would not let the Childe in 
the cradle live — 

10 He heard further of a Merchant that if we would supply 
the Sinnekes they would send our people away all several! ways, 
some to Spain, some to Portugal! some to the Islands, and it was 
no more than the English had done to Mons' Pere whom they 
kept 18 months in close prison at Londcm 

11 The French all acknowledge the Sinnekes fought very 
well, and if there number had been greater it would have gone 
bard with the French for the new men were not used to the Sin- 
nekes hoop and hollow, all the officers falling down closse upon 
the ground, for the CMicers jeard on ani^her about it att Mont 

This is what Jean Rosie Anth° Lespinard's compagnion doth 
relate being an inhabitant of this towne, and a verry honest man, 
although a frenchman, they were kept 5 weeks in arrest aA€f they 

came i 

not be 



att wai 

put do' 

about 1 



1 wotnai 

at the p 

will hav. 

strong I 

they tab 

7«ur £xc 

months m 



war with 1 

I send tl 

their Invad 


true accomi 

The Sent 

giving thei 




came toCanidaupon pretence that there passe was false, for could 
not beleive your Excell°T was here butt gone hoice hareing such 
advice from the French ambaasadour he prays your Ezcell: would 
consider the pains aiid trouble ^d the loss of time that has been 
att waiting for an answer from the French Oorcrnour; wc have 
put down these articles that your Excell: may examine Anth" 
about them (since he knows nothing of this) because he was 
extream familliar with the Govern' and all there great men there : 
We have the news of Keman that the Indians have taken 8 men 
1 woman and 8 crownes or scalpes, and kild neer upon 20 more 
at the place where the Barks are, the particulars your Exodl: 
will have In R Levingstone's letter — We find that the selling of 
strong Liquor to the Indians is a great hindrance to all designs 
they take in hand. lay a drinking continually at Skinechtady, if 
your Excell: would be pleased to prohibit itt for two or three 
months would do very well : We remain 

Your Excellency 'f-^^ 

^) . • ' ? T' most humble and most 
,ji ■-. ft' obedient servant 

. P' ScRtrVEJtB. 

!/|i, Bti '• 





[Loud. Doe. V.] .m - , 

My Lord-— I gave your Lodp an ace* in my last letter that I had 
latelligeace the Frendi were <iome on this ade of the Lake, to 
war with the Sennekes 

I send the Bearer Judge Palmer to give his Matr an account of 
their Invading his territories without any manner of Provocation 
if your LodP will please to read his Instructions you will find a 
true accompt of their Proceedings 

The Senekas desired assistance of men but I put them off by 
giving them Powder, Lead, Arms and other things, fitting & 
necessary for them (§1 also by making such Propositions as I 


•ft'- ' 


l> ■ 

I I 



ft m-' '}. 


thought would please them being unwilling actually to ingage 
the French until I knew his Maty'" pleasure 
•»i I must needs say of y« French without being Partiall that they 
are very unjust, to enter the Kiijg's Territories in a hostile man- 
ner after the offers I made them 

I know their Pretence will bee, that our Indians have wronged 
them, but it is not soe, for the Beaver Trade is the sole end of 
their Designs, whatever Colour they give to their Actions which is 
only hindred by the Five nations of Indians on this side of the 
Lake who have submitted themselves® their Lands to the King's 
subjection. Those Five nations are very brave @ the awe @ 
Dread of all y« Indyans in these Parts of America, and are abetter 
defence to us, than if they were so many Christians 

The Claim the French can make, to the farther Indians, or any 
on this side y« Lake is no other than what they may have to Jap- 
pan which is that some of their Priests have resided amongst 

Peace, or Warr, it will be very necessary to send over men @ 
to build those Forts, I have mentioned in my Instructions to 
Judge Palmer, for the French are encroaching as fast as they can, 
and a little thing can prevent now what will cost a great expence 
of Blood @ Money hereafter. My Lord there are people enough 
in Ireland who had pretences to Estates there ® are of no advan- 
tage to the country ® may live here very happy I do not doubt 
if his Maty think fitt to employ my Nephew he will bring over as 
many as the King will find convenient to send who will be no 
charge to his Mat7 after they are Landed, Provided all Connec- 
ticut @ East @ West Jersey be added to this Government ® to 
add any thing of Conecticut to Boston is the most unproportiona- 
ble thing in the world they having already a hundred times more 
Land, Riches @ People than this province @ yet the charge of 
this Governm* more than that .' r;- r j< Jrt v ^.-'i' . 


^-h ";-. 


-ra.fe '^f.'.' 

; j\jt J • .'■; 

■■if' Jft:^ 


'• *■* 

.y* r « >•»'' 

! J^^B 


-1 f-r^^r'W/ 

;,; !yi. 




f ■ 


) i 






[Load. Doo. V.) 

8th 8«pt. 1W7. 

You are to inform his Matr that in May last I had letters from 
Albany ® Informacons of Indians that came from Canada, That 
the Governor of Canada vrcnt from Monte Royall with a great 
many French and Indyans in Boats and Canno's towards Cada- 
raque with an Intention to come on this side of the lake ® war 
against the Sennekes upon Receipt of which I called the Councill 
® the letters @ Information were read upon which the Councill 
thought convenient to give what assistance possibly we could to 
our Indians, and to that intent I, Major Brockhells yourself ® 
other gentlelmen went up to Albany where there was from time 
to tiou such orders and Instructions sent ® given to the Indyans 
as waff thought fitt for their security 

The French Pretence for Coming into the King's Territories ® 
warring with our Indians is that they war with the further nation 
of Indyans who lye on the back of Maryland, Virginia, ® Carolina, 
which is only a feigned pretence for that I have sent sev'' Letters 
to Mons' La Bar who was Governor of Canada to signify that if 
our Indians had done them any injury they should make them all 
reasonable satisfaction, but that would not satisfy, for he came to 
Cayonhage where the Indians would have me build a Fort ® 
there made a Peace with the Indians so that what the Indians 
had done before this Govm* came was concluded and agreed 
thereby tho they had not done any thing to the French but what 
was in Pursuance of his own orders 

And as to their Warring with the farther Indyans that is more 
hurtfull to us than the French they being inclined to trade with us 
rather than them which by their Warring is hindred ® in my 
opinion the Christians ought not to meddle with the Indians 
warring one with another it being the ruin of themselves And as 
for this present Governor of Canada Mons' de Nonville he has 
no ground for what he does, for I have from time to time o£fered 
to do him Justice for any ill the Indians should committ and sent 

I i: 

1 I 



a messinger this Spring to him for ti.?.c purpose; to take away all 
pretence whatsoever @ also sent him word that those five Nations 
on our side of the Lake had delivered themselves @ their Lands 
under the subjection of our King @ that I had caused the Kings 
arms to be sett upon all their Castles 

But their reason for this Warr is that the Indyans would not 
submitt @ joyn themselves to the French wuo have used all other 
meanes to e0ect it @ those failing have caused this attempt so that 
we find they have a further design which is by the Ruin of those 
Indians to engross both the ''rade @ Country wholly to them- 
selves, and to that intent the French King has sent over upwards 
of 3000 men besides what came this last spring and alsoe has 
built a Fort at a place called Shamblee and another at Monte 
Royall and another at Trois Riviers one atCataraque at the other 
side of the Lake and this spring an other on our side of the La e 
at a place called Onyegra where I had thought to have built one 
it being the place where all our Traders 8l Beaver HuntenT must 

So that they are resolved to Ruin all those Indians @ if they 
compass their design it will be of very ill consequence to all his 
Maty* subjects in those parts of America for they are a better 
Bullwark against the French and the other Indians than so many 
Christians, @ if the French have all that they pretend to have 
discovered of these Parts, the King of England will not have 100 
miles from the sea any where, for the people of Canada are poor 
@ live only on the Beaver @ Peltry and the Kings subjects here 
living plentifully have not regarded making discoveries into the 
country until of late being encouraged by me one Roseboon had 
leave in the year 1685 to go with some young men as farr as the 
Ottawawe & Twiswicks, where they were very well rec* @ invited 
to come every year, and they desired that the Sinnekas being 
their enemies would open a path for them that they might come 
to Albany. 

But a little after their being there a party of our Indians being 
out attacked a Castle of theirs, took 6 or 600 prisaners and brought 
them away to their own country, which when I heard of I ordered 
the Indians to deliver to Roseboom @ to one Major McGregory a 

as ma] 
Gov ( 
with tL 
the war 
men out 
we find 1 
other yc 
Beavers \ 
peltry in 
The C 
passed t\ 
Albany, t 
nent @ ] 
do not ad 
160>i» P a 
To seen 
Country : 
awe over ( 
Corlars La 
French, o: 
and anothc 
^18 can 
rope, @ in 


lower Cour 

and will be 

If the mt 

very convei 

well di6cov< 



Scots gent" (who went with 60 of the young men of Albany, and 
some of Albany Indians a Beaver trading to those further nations) 
as many of those prisoners as were willing to return home, the 
Gov' of Canada hearing of their going that way sent 200 French 
@ 3 or 400 Indians to intercept them, has taken them Prisoners 
taken their goods from them @ what they further desi^ to do 
with them is not yet known. 

And for this Government which is too poor of itself to help our 
Indians without adding Connecticut @ East @ West Jersey in case 
the war continues without the assistance of our Neighbors @ some 
men out of Europe will be wholly impossible, for we are the least 
government @ the poorest @ yet are at the greatest charges @ 
we find this year that the Revenue is Very much diminished for in 
other years we are used to Ship off for England 35 or 40,000 
Beavers besides Peltry @ this year only 9000 and some hundreds 
peltry in all 

The Council to show their readiness to serve the King have 
passed two acts for raising 1^ P' lb at New York, Isopus @ 
Albany, these three places being the only support of the Govern- 
ment @ l^d on Long Island @ the rest of the Government who 
do not advance the Kings Revenue neither by Excise nor Customs 
150>«» P ann: 

To secure the Beaver & Peltry Trade @ the Kings right to the 
Country : It's mine and the Councils opinion (alsoe to have an 
awe over our Indians @ make them firm to us) to build a Fort at 
Corlars Lake; to secure us that way from the Incursion of either 
French, or Indians, another at Cayonhage upon the great Lake, 
and another at Onyegra @ two or three little other Forts between 
Schonectade @ the Lake to secure our people going @ coming 

This cannot possibly be done without 4 or 500 men out of Eu- 
rope, ® in case Connecticut @ the two Jerseys be added to this 
Government, with some help from Pensylvtnia, @ the three 
lower Countys it may be effected Without any charge to the King, 
and will be a great security to all these parts of America 

If the metes @ bounds could be adjusted at home it would be 
very convenient, provided always that the Country were first 
well discovered by us in which the French at present have much 


i I 

1 ! 

1 r i 



denonyillb's expedition to tBE 

the advantage. And it is very unreasonable that the French who 
lye so much to the Northward of us sh^ extend themselves soe far 
to the Southward @ Westward on the Backside of his Maty* 
Plantacons when they have so vast a quantity of land Lying Di- 
rectly behind y^ dominions they now possess, to the Northward 
@ Northwest as far as the South sea 

Whether Peace or War it is necessary that the Forts should be 
built, @ that religious men live amongst the Indians. 

I have that influence over our Indians, that I am sure they will 
not war on any Indians living amongst His Maty" subjects. 

The monies that are now to be raised is for defraying the 
charge of Arms, Powder, Lead @ other presents given to the 
Indians this summer as also to make some preparations against 
the Spring in Case of Necessity. l 

Whatsoever is his Maty" pleasure I desire that My Lord Sun- 
derland, will by the first conveniency either by the way of Mary- 
land, Virginia or Boston let me know and send me orders, how I 
shall proceed in this affair, 

You are so well acquainted with all that has passed in thi« 
Government, concerning this affair with the French, and my con- 
stant EndeavoRS to preserve a good correspondence with them, that 
what I have here omitted I desire you will take care to inform 

his Maty. 

Thos Dongan 

Dated the 8th 

September 1687 




[ParU Doo. III. } Lond. Doe. V.] 

Auguit 72, 1687. 
Sir — The respect I entertain for the King your Master and the 
orders I have from the King to live in harmony with His Bri- 
tannic Majesty's Subjects induce me. Sir, to address you this 
letter on the present state of affairs, so as not to have any thing 
to reproach myself with. 

On seeing. Sir, the letter you were at the trouble to write mc 
on my arrival in this government I persuaded myself by your 







frank discourses that we should live in the greatest harn^ony and 
best understanding in the world, but the event has well proved 
that your intentions did not at all accord with your fine words. 

You recollect, Sir, that you positively asked me in that same 
letter to refer the difference about boundaries to the decision of our 
Masters; letters more recently received from you fully con- 
vince me that you received that which I wrote you in reply to 
your first to shew you that I willingly left that decision to our ' 
Masters. Nevertheless, Sir, whilst you were expressing these 
civilities to me you were giving orders and sending passes to des- 
patch canoes to trade at Missilimaquina where an Englishman had 
never set his foot and where we, the French, are established 
more than 60 years. I shall say nothing of the tricks and intrigues 
resorted to by your people and by your orders to induce all the 
Savage tribes domiciled with the French to revolt against us. I 
tell you nothing, either, of all your intrigues to engage the Iro- 
quois to declare war against us. Your Traders at Ciange have 
made noise enough about it, and your presents of munitions of 
war made, with this view, last year and this, are convictions 
sufficiently conclusive not to entertain a doubt of it, even were 
there not proofs at hand of your wicked designs against the sub- 
jects of the King whose bread you have eaten long enough and by 
whom you have been sufficiently well entertained to cause you to 
have more regard for His Majesty, though you had not all the 
orders from his Britannic Majesty that you have to live well with 
all the subjects of the King, his antient friend. 

What have you not done. Sir, to prevent the Senecas surren- 
dering to me the Outaouas and Huron prisoners of Missillimaquina 
whom they treacherously captured last year, and how many goings 
and comings have there not been to the Senecas on your part and 
that of your traders who do nothing but by your orders, to prevent 
the restitution of the said prisoners by the said Senecas who were 
solicited at the village of the Onontagues to give me satisfaction. 

I avow to you. Sir, that I should never have expected such 
proceedings on your part, which without doubt will not please 
the King your Master, who will never approve your so strenu- 
ously opposing by threats of chastisement the Iroquois coming to 

■I a 




'S : 




y whon I invited them to visit me to arrnnge with thorn the 
eautirs of discoatcnt that I had on account of their violences. 
Throe years ago^ Sir^ you made use of them to wage war against 
the French and their allies, you took great pains to give thcni, 
for that purpose, more lead, powder and arms than they asked. 
Yo« did moTC) Sir; for you promised them reinforcements of 
men to sustain them agninxt the King*s subjects ; quite recently, 
Sir, you would hure ugsin pushed your ill will farther by sending 
two Parties, oomiuandud by men carrying your orders, to Mis- 
silimaquina to etpel us iVora there and put you into possession, 
contrary to the word you have givon not to undertake any thing 
before the arrangement of their Majesties, our Masters. 

You have, Sir, still surpasstd all that ; fOr after the pains you 
had taken to prevent the Iroqoob assembling at Catarocouy where i 
T expected to meet thum to settle all our differences and receive > 
from them the satisfltction they sho\ild have afforded me, as well 
in regard to the Huron and Outaouas prisoners they would have 
given ap to me had you not opposed it, as for the pillagings and 
robberici that they hav« committed on us, and all the insults they 
daily offer our missionaries^ as well those they may have actually 
among them as those they have expelled after an infinite amount 
of \\\ treatment during SO years they lived in their villages ; after 
yoU) Sir, having, I say, so little regard foi^the interests of the 
King^s subjects and the good of Religion whose progress you thus 
prevent, you havfc. Sir, quite recently contravened the last treaty 
entered into between our masters, a copy of which you have re- 
ceived with orders to observe it, and of which you have also sent me 
o^y. Road it well. Sir, if you please, and you will there remark 
how strongly their Majesties have it at heart to preserve their sub* 
jeets in good union and understanding, so that their Majesties un- 
derstand that the enemies of one are the enemies of the other. 
If the avarice of your merchahts influenced you less than the de- 
sire to execute the orders of the King your master, doubtless. Sir, I 
should alrea<ly have had proofs of your good disposition to execute 
the said treaty, according to which you ought not to afford either 
refuge or protection to the savages, enemies of the French Colony, 
much less asnst them with ammunition to wage war against it. 






NeverthelcMB} I annert poiitivcly that you havC| Bince the publica- 
tion of said treaty of neutrality, contravencii it in this particular, 
nince nothing is done in your government save by your orders. 

After that, judge, Sir, what just grounds I have to comphtin of, 
and be on my guard againnt, you. 

On my return from the campaign which I just made against the 
Senecas, I received the letter that you took the trouble to write 
me. Sir, on the ll''* (20t>i) June of this year. You send me copy 
of the Treaty of Neutrality entered into between our masters of 
which I also tranamitted you a copy as I had rec' it from th« 
King and it was publiHhed in this country. Nothing more is re 
quired therein, Sir, than to have it fully and literally executed as 
well on your part as on mine. To do that you must discontinue 
protecting the enemies of the Colony and cease to receive them 
among you, and to furnish them with munitions as you hate done. 
You must, also, observe the promise you gave me at the time of 
my arrival, that you would leave the decision of the limits to our 
masters. You must, likewise, not undertake any expedition 
against us in any of our establishments, the greatest portions of 
which were before Orange (Albany) was what it is, or any of 
Manate were acquainted with the Iroquois and the Ouatouas. 

When you arrived in your present government, did you not find, 
Sir, in the whole of the five Iroquois villages, all our Missionaries 
sent by the King almost the entire of whom the heretic merchants 
have caused to be expelled even in your time, which is not hono- 
rable to your government. It is only three years since the greater 
number have been forced to leave ; the fathers Lambrevillc alone 
bore up against the insults and ill treatment they received through 
the solicitations of your traders. Is it not true. Sir, that 
you panted only to induce them to abandon their mission ? 
You recollect, Sir, that you took the trouble to send under a guise 
of duty so late as last year to solicit them by urgent discourses to 
retire under the pretext that I wished to declare war against the 
village of the Onnontagu<'!S. What certainty had you of it, Sir, 
if it were not your charge and prohibitions you had given them, 
against giving me up the prisoners I demanded of them, and thty 
surrendered to me? You foresaw the war I would make because you 




\n ^ 

f ' 

wished me to make it against them and because you obliged me to 
wage that against the Senecas. In this way, Sir, it is very easy 
to foresee what occurs. 

I admire, Sir, the passage of your last letter of the ll^'' June 
of this year in which you state that the King of England your 
Master has juster title than the King to the Posts we occupy, and 
the foundation of your reasoning is that they are situate to th« 
South of you, just on the border of one portion of your dominion 
{domination). In refutation of your sorry reasonings. Sir, it is 
only necessary to tell you that you are very badly acquainted 
with the Map of the country and know less the points of the 
compass where those Posts are relative to the situation of Menade, 
(New York). It is only necessary to ask you again what length 
of time we occupy those Posts and who discovered them — ^You or 
we ? Agun, who is in possession of them 1 After that, rei;d 
the 5^i> article of the treaty of Neutrality and you will see, if you 
were justified in giving orders to establish your trade by force of 
arms at Missilimaquina. As I send you a copy of your letter 
with the answer to each article, I need not repeat here what is 
embraced in that answer. Suffice it to say this in conclusion, 
that I retain your officer Mr. Gregory here and all your orders for 
your pretended expedition, who were taken within the Posts 
occupied by the King. My first design was to send them back to 
you but as I know that you entertain and give aid and comfort 
to the Iroquois Savages contrary to the Treaty of Neutrality of 
the IG*'* Nov' 1686 agreed to by our Masters, causing them to 
be supplied with all munitions necessary to wage war against us, 
I have determined, in spite of myself, to retain all your people 
until you have complied with the Intentions of the King your 
Master and executed said Treaty, being obliged to regard you 
as the King's enemy whilst you entertain his enemies and contra- 
vene the treaties entered into between the King of England and 
the King my Master. 

All that I can tell you for certain, Sir, is, that your conduct 
will be the rule of mine, and that it will remain with yourself that 
the said Treaty be thoroughly executed. I must obey my Master 
and I have much respect and veneration for one of the greatest 



Kings in the world, the protector of the Church. You pretend 
that the Iroquois are under your dominion. To this I in no wise 
agree, but it is a question on which our Masters will determine. 
But whether they be or be not, from the moment that they are 
our enemies you ought to be opposed to them and be their ene< 
mies, and if you comfort them, directly or indirectly, I must 
regard you as an enemy of the Colony and I shall be justified in 
subjecting the prisoners I have belonging to your government 
to the same treatment that the enemies of the Colony will observe 
towards us. 

Hereupon, Sir, I will expect news from you as well as the 
fitting assurances you will please give me that I may be certain 
you do not employ the Iroquois to wage war on us by gi>ing 
them protection. 

Rely on me Sir. Let us attach ourselves closely to the execution 
of our Masters' intentions ; let us seek after their example to pro- 
mote Religion and serve it; let, us live in good understanding 
according to their desires. I repeat and protest. Sir, it remains 
only with you. But do not imagine that I am a man to suffer 
others to play me tricks. 

I send you back Antoine Lespinard, bearer of your passport 
and letter. I shall await your final resolution on the restitution 
of your prisoners whem I wish much to give up to you, on con- 
dition that you execute the treaty of Neutrality in all its extent 
and that you furnish me with proper guarantees therefor. 

Your very humble & very ob* Serv* 
The M. de Denonville. 

[From Council Min. y.] 
^ Council held atffort James ^ 

Monday the ffifth day of September 1687 
Present His Excelcy the Goven' &c. 
Proposed that Some Course may be taken about Major McGre- 
gorie & his Company who are prisoners in Cannada. 

Resolved that a lett' be sent by a ffitt person to y« Governor 
of Cannada about that and the oth' injurys he has done his 
Majties subjects of this Government .'''•" 


■<< ' *■ 

U ' 

M 9 1 . i 


1 ' t 

SI ! 



dkkomville's expeoitiok td thk 

Councill held atffwt JameSj 

Wednesday y» Seaventh day of Septefflb 1687. 

Present His £xcel*^7 the Govern'* &c. 

It being now plaine that y« firench are Resolved to Bo all the 
Prejudice they can to the Kings Subjects of this Government It 
is for y° preventon thereof 

Ordred that ye people of y<! City and County of Albany th 
Cutt Pallasadoes and by y^ five and twentieth day of March next 
Cart them to y° s^ Citty and y» towne of Schanechtade to fortifye 
those places in y^ Spring That in y^ mearietime they Keep a 
careful Watch there and that this ord' be sent to y<> Justices of y« 
Peace of y» s^ County who are to take Care that it Be put in 

That ye Mayor of Albany send ord""" to y" North Indyans to 
Keep thirty or forty Indyans allways towards Corlaers lake. 
That the s"* Mayor if he be in Albany send a belt of Wampum to 
Each of the five Nations with ord" that y^ Christian Indyans who 
Come from Caunada to them be sent Hith' to his ExT y« Govern' 
and to encourage y^ Indyans to look out Carefully letting them 
Enow the Govern' will be up early there y« next Spring 

Ordred that a Proclamacon be Drawn up Prohibiting y« Bring- 
ing any Indyan Come or Pease Out of y*' Countys of Albany and 
Vlster until further Ord" 

Ordred that Peiter Schuyler take examinacSns of y« antientest 
traders In Albany how many yeares Agon they or any others first 
traded with y^ Indyans y* had the Straws or Pipes thro* their 
noses and the ffarther Indyans. 




[Par. Doe. III. ; Lond. Doe. V.] 

8th Sopl. 1687. 

Sir — ^Yours of the 21'^ of August last I have receired and am 

sorry that Mons' de Nonville has so soon forgot the orders he had 

received from bis master to live well with the King of England's 

subjects, but I find the air of Canada has strange effects on all 





the Oovernoui's boddys, for I no sooner came into this province 
than Mons' de la Barr desired my assistance to warr against the 
Sinnekes, upon which I went to Albany and sent for the fine 
nacdns to come to me, and when they came was rery angry with 
them for offering to doe any thing to the French that might dis- 
turb their hunting, or otherwise, on which they answered me that 
they had not don anything to the French, but what Mons' de la 
Barr ordered them, which was that if they mett with any French 
hunting without his passe to take what they had from them, not- 
withstanding if any of their people which were abroad had don 
any injury they knew not of, they assured me they would give 
satisfaction. I send him word of all this, and assured him satis- 
fiaction, butt notwithstanding, he comes in a hostile manner on 
this side of the lake to a place called Kayonhaga, and there by the 
mesms of the Onnondages made a peace with the Sinnekes, so if 
they have committed any fault before that, it was all concluded 
there, but I appeal to any rational man whatever whether it was 
fitt for any Govern'' of Canada to treate or make any peace with 
his Majesty's subjects without the advice and knowledge of the 
Governour of the Provinc they lived under, butt I finde the de- 
sij^ne to mine those five nations (Since you cannot with bribes 
or other means gain them to be of your party), is of a longer date 
than three of foure yeares. ^nce Mons' Denonuille follows the 
same steps his predecessors trod in, tho' he proposed to himselfe 
so fair a beginning, I am sure he will not make so good an end 
for no sooner was Mons<^ Denonuille in possession of his govern- 
ment butt he began to build a great many boates and cannoes, 
and putt a great deal of provisions and stores in the Cataraque at 
which our Indians on this side of the lake were much alarmed 
and came to me, to know the meaneing of itt. upon which I sent 
to you by the way of Mons^^ Lamberville to know what you 
intended by all these preparations, your answer was, as Mons' 
Denonville may remember that the winters being long, and you 
resolving to have a good number of men at Cataraque, you accor- 
dingly made provision for them, and if I had not really believed 
what you writt to be true I might have bin in as much readynesse 
to haifre gone on the other ade of the lake as Mons' de Nonuilie 

■ .t: 



I \ '1. ' 

y « 

dkmonville's £xpeditiom to the 

was to come on this. Now sir, I will not answer your hayty way 
of expressions in your own stile butt will plainly let you know 
the matter of fact as it is j if S' you [will] please to peruse those 
letters I from time to time sent you, you will find that I still couet' 
ted nothing more than to preserue that friendshipp which is between 
our masters, and aught to be between their subjects here, and as 
you well remarke, is according to their commands, and pray. Sir, 
which is itt of us both that hath taken the way to unty that knott 
of friendshipp — Mons' de Nonuille invadeing the King of Eng- 
land's territorys, in a hostill manner, (tho' his reception has not 
been according to his expectation) is soe plaine a matter of fact 
that it is undenayable whether you did it designedly, to make a 
misunderstanding or noe, I cannot tell, if you did I hope itt will 
take noe effect butt that our masters at home notwithstanding all 
your trained souldiers and greate officers, come from Europe will 
suffer us poor planters and farmers, his Majesties subjects in these 
parts of America, to do ourselves justice on you for the injuryes 
and spoyle you have committed on them, and I assure you Sir if 
my master gives leave I will be as soon [with you] at Quebeck as 
you shall be att Albany, as for Major M<:Gregorie and those others 
you took prisoners they had no passe from me to go to Missillima- 
quine butt a pass to go to the Ottowawas, where I thought it might 
bee as free for us to trade as for you, and as for giving them any 
commission or instructions to disturb your people I assure you do 
me wrong, and if you please to read his instructions you will find 
there I give express orders to the contrary and for your pretences 
to sixty yeares possession, 'tis impossible for they and the Indians 
who wear pipes thro' their noses, traded with Albany long 
before the French settled att Montreal!, butt in case it weare as 
you alledge, which I have not the least reason to believe, you 
could only have prohibited their trading in that place and let 
them goe to some other nation — 

It is verry true I offered you to leave the decision to our masters 
at home, in case of any difference, and pray Sir lett me know in 
what I in the least have acted to the contrary j you tell me I 
hindered the five nations on this side the lake, who have subjected 
themselues, their countrys, and conquests under the King of Eng- 



land to go to you at Cattaraque : Itts very true I did so and thought 
itt very unjust in you to desire their comeing to you — for the King 
of England did not send me here to suffer you, to give laws to his 
subjects of this Government — ^}'ou also alleage that I have given 
orders to those Indians to pillage and warr upon your people — sure 
Sir, you forgot what you desired of me j if you will please to re- 
flect on one of your owne letters, in which you acquainted me, 
that many of your people run away into this Government, and 
desired that I would take and send back any should be found upon 
this side the lake without your passe, upon which I ordered those 
of Albany and also the Indians, to seize and secure all persons 
whatever, as well french as English, they should finde on this 
side of the lake without your pass or mine — truly Sir, I ought 
severely to be rebukt for this, itt having been the hindrance of 
many thousands of beavers comeing to Albany: further you 
blame me for hindring the Sinakees deliuering up the Ottawawa 
prisoners to you, this I did with good reason — for what pretence 
could you have to make your applications to them and not to me, 
neverthelesse I ordered Major M^Gregory to carry them to the 
Ottawaways and if your claim be only to Missilimaquina what 
cause had you to hinder Magregory to go to the Ottawawas — 

What you alleage concerning my assisting the Sinnakees with 
arms, and amunition to warr against you, was neuer giuen by 
mee until the sixt of August last, when understanding of your 
unjust proceedings in invaeding the King, My Masters territory s, 
in a hostill manner, I then gave them powder lead and armes ; 
and united the five nations together to defend that part of our 
King's dominions from your injurious invasion. And as for offering 
them men in, that you doe me wrong, our men being all biusy 
then att their haruest, and I leave itt to your judgement whether 
there was any occasion when only foure hundred of them engaged 
with your whole army. — ^You tell me in case I assist the Indyans 
you will esteme me an ennemy to your colony — Sir, give me 
leave to lett you know, you are a farr greater ennemy to your 
Colony than I am, itt haueing always been my endevour to keepe 
those Indyans from warring with you, who in your protecting, 
their enemvs that have killed and Robbed them in their hunting 

' ■(' 

•■ , :i! 

1 : 

I (I 








and otherwise, and that not once but several times have given 
them great provocations, butt you have taken away to spill a 
gpreat deale of Christian blood without gaining the point you aim 
att, and for you who have taken the King's subjects prisoners, in a 
time of peace and taken their goods from them without any just 
grounds for so doing, how can I expect butt that you will use 
them as you threaten ; You say also in your letter, that the King 
of England has no right to the five nations on this side the lake. 
I would willingly know if so, whose subjects they are in your 
opinion, You tell me of your haucing had Missionaryes among 
them, itt is a very charitable act, but I suppose and am very 
well assured that giues no just right or title to the Government 
of the Country — Father Bryare writes to a Gent: there that the 
King of China never goes any where without two Jessuits with 
him : I wonder why you make not the like pretence to that king* 
dome : you also say you had many Missionaryes among them att 
my comeing to this Goverment, in that you have been missin- 
formed for I never heard of any, butt the two Lamberuills who 
were at Onnondages, and were protected by me from the Inso- 
lencys of the Indians, as they desired of me, and as by letters 
in which they give me thanks appears, but when ihey understood 
your intentions they thought fit to goe without takeing leave : butt 
their sending there was as I afterwards found for some other end 
then propagating the Christian Religion as was apparent by some 
letters of theirs directed to Canada, which happened to come to 
my handfr— 

Now you have mist of your unjust pretentions — you are willing 
to refer all things to our Masters, I will endevour to protect his 
Majestys i-ubjects here from your unjust inuasions until I hear 
from the King my Master who is the greatest and most glorious 
monarch that ever set on a Throne and would do as much to pro- 
pagate the Christian faith as any Prince that lines and is as tender 
of wronging the subjects of any Potentate whatever, as he is of 
suffering his owne to be injured—- 

Itt is very true that I have eat a great deale of the bread of 
France and have in requittall complyed with my obligations in 
doing what I ought and would preferr the service of the French 



king before any, except my owne, and hiiv« a great deal of 
retipect for all the people of quality, c T your nation vrhich enga- 
gci me to aduise Mons' Denonuille to send home all the Chris- 
tians and Indians prisoners the King of England's subjects you 
unjustly do ^eteine, this I thought fitt to answer to your reflecting 
and provoking letter, 
a true coppy. 





[Load. Doe. v.] « 

N«w York, 8«pt. 12, 1687. 

My Lord — Since writing my other Letter some messages hav« 
come to my hands from Albany of their apprehensions of the 
French, which obliges me to carry up thither two hundred men, 
besides the Garrison @ go and stay there thb Winter, and to get 
together five or six hundred of the five nations about Albany @ 
Schonectade which will be a great charge but I see no remedy 
for it 

My Lord it is a great misfortune for this Qoverm^ that there 
are so few of his Matr* natural born subjects, the greater part 
being Dutch, who if occasion were, X fear would not be very fitt 
for service 

I am sending to the further Indians to try if I can make a 
Peace between them @ the Sennekes and also to the Christian 
Indians about Canada who have a mind to come, I will do what 
is possible for me to save the Government against the French til 
I have further orders from your Lodp Judge Palmer has more 
papers to show your Lodp that came from Albany, by those he 
carries with him your Lodp may perceive the grounds I have for 
my proceedings 

I am your Lodps most obed* 
and Humble Serv* 



) ! 

I 1 




■ \ 



[Council Min. Y.] 
Councill Held at ffort James ; 

flfriday the Ninth of September 1687. 

Present His Excy the Govern' &c. 

Informacon being given to his ExcJ and some of ^e Members 
of ye Board that y" ffrench at Cannada are providing ffifteen 
hundred pair of Snowshews, 

Ordred that y* Mayor and Magistrates of Albany send ord" to 
the five Nations to bring Down their Wives Children and old 
men least y* flfrench come uppon them in the "Winter and none to 
stay in the Castles but yo yong men. That they who come be 
setled some at Cats Kill Levingstons land and along y^ River 
where they can find Conveniency to be neer us to assist them if 
they should want and that they send Downe with them all y« 
Indyan Come that can be spared by y® Young Men who are to 
stay in y« Castles. , , ^^. 


'' ' Councill Held at ffort James ; 

Sonday the IV^ of Septemb', 1687. 
Present His Excr the Govern' &c. 

Letters from Albany giveing account that the people there are 
in great Consternation thro apprehension that y" ffrench will 
come down uppon them this Winter 

Resolved that Every tenth man of all ye Militia troupes & 
Companys within the Province Except those who were out y« 
last yeare a whaling be Drawn out to go up thither. 



r .' [Par. Doc. III.; Lond. Doc. V.] 

Kebec, 2 0ctob. 16S7. 
Sir— On arriving in this town I rec^ a letter from the King 
copy of which I send, so that you may see, Sir, how much His 
Majesty has at heart that we should live on good terms. This has 
induced me not to await your reply to the letters I had the honour 
tO write you by Antoine Lespinard regarding the complaints I 
made to you of the infraction yourself and your officers at Orange 







have committed and continue to commit of the Treaty of Peace 
and Union entered into between the Kings, our Masters. . . 

Though I have quite recently again cause to complain of you 
and your officers since you have a short time since, hired a party 
of sixty Mohawks to come and make a foray in the country of 
New France, which is a truth so well known that it cannot be 
doubted, yet. Sir, in conformity with my Master's orders and in 
response to the intentions of His Majesty whose will I follow, 
directing me to do all in my power to contribute to the union that 
our Masters desire should exist between us, I have determined to 
send you back Mr. Gregory and all those whom you despatched 
under his orders, being very happy to evince to you thereby the 
desire I have to live well with you and to avoid every subject of 
quarrel; which will be very easy if you wish to remain within the 
rules prescribed by our Masters 

As it is very necessary to the maintenance of good correspond- 
ence between us according to our Masters' intentions, that I be 
informed of your last resolutions ; in order to afford you an oppor- 
tunity to communicate with me I retain here only those named 
Captain Loquerman, the son of Arian, Abraham Squelar (Schuyler) 
and Jean Blaquer whom I shall take care will want for nothing 
until I have replies from you to justify me in not doubting that 
we shall live hereafter in union and good understanding. 


■"""' [Council Min. V.] 

Councill Held at fort James; 
'— tuesilay the IStJ" day of March 168J. 

Present the Members of the Council. 

Major Baxter now come ffrom Albany Informing that he is 
Instructed by His Excelcy The Governour to propose to this board 
that they Consider what y« amount of the Extraordinary Charge 
of the Expedic6n ag* y« ffrench will be this year and what will 
be y« best & easy est means for defraying It in persuance whereof 
Computacfin being made the Charge of the new Raised forces 
with yo Incidentall Charges thereon Is Computed to bee about 
Eight thousand Pound and finding y* last tax of one penny halfe 

:-' 1 i' 


■ 1 

t i 

I I' 







penny per pound will not amount to above Twelve hundred pound 
of which many of the Inhabitants are not able to pay their own 
proportion, It is the opinion of this board that this Goverment 
alone is no way able to bear so great a burthen, Whereuppon It is 
Resolved that a lett"" be sent to his Excelcy proposeing this Board's 
Opinion that It will be Convenient proposalls be sent to the Neigh- 
bouring Collonyes to send Commisslones thither to treat and make 
some settlement for defraying the Charges of the said Expedition 
as will be Esteemed most Easy and Convenient 

I" ■ 
Council Held atffort James; 

Monday the thirtyeth day of April) 1688. 

Present His Extellcy the Govern' &c. 

Account of Disbursements made by Robert Levingston at 
Albany by His Excelcy* Ord" fTor y" Maintenance of his Majties 
fforces there and for sundry Guefts & p'sents made to y" Indyans 
and Releife of y* ffrench Prisoners, ffrom y' ll*"* August 1687 to 
y' first day of June 1688 amounting to Two thousand sixty seaven 
pound six shillings and four pence read. '"' 

Council held at ffott James 

Monday y' third day of May 1688. 

Present His Excelcy the Govern' &c. 

Resolved uppon Debate had thereof that the taxes lately made 
will not Raise mony sufficient to bear y* p'sent necessary Charge 
of the Govern^ and that a new Levy of ^2556. 4s. be made to 
be Paid by all the Inhabitants and ffreeholders in y° Province in 
mony to his Majt'"" Collector at y* Custome house in New York 
before y* first day of Novemb' next in manner following viz* 

^ id 

The Citty &. County of New Yorke to pay Je434 : 10 : 00 

County of Westchester . . . 186 : 16 : 00 

Citty and County of Albany . . . 240 

County of Richmond .... 185 

. County of Ulster 408 

Kings County . . . ,, , 308 

Queens County . . . . 308 






The ( 

The I 








New yJ 

of the I 



in New 

ston) alj 





16 :00 



1 On the 

08 : 00 

1 Six hund 

08 : 00 

1 berg^res 

1 the Marin 


County of Suffolk . . . . 434 : 10 : 00 

Dukes County . . . . . 040 : 00 : 00 

County of Orange .... 010 : 00 : 00 

Ordred that y*' Attorney General! Draw upp an Act for y* s** 
tax accordingly. 

An Establishment to be Allowed to the Officers and Soldiers 

who hath been att Albany upon the present Expedicon viz^ 
The Major ten Shillings Curr" Money of this Province 

per diem 



. 0.1.6 

. 0.1.0 
The rest of the private men 0.0.8 

per diem 

The Capt" of horse jeO.lO.O 

The Liev* d- 0. 7.0 

The Cornett . 0. 6.0 

The Qurtermaster 0. 5.0 

The Corporall . 0. 2.0 

The Tfumpiter . 0. 2.0 

The Troopers 0. 1.6 

The Cap* off ffoott 
The Liev* 
The Ensigne . 
'1 he Sergeant 
The Corporall 
The Drumbeater 

[Lond. Doc. IX.] 

In the year 1687 when the French at Canada were making 
preparations to attack the Five Nations of Indians belonging to 
New York, Coll. Dongan then Gov' there sent some of the forces 
of the Countrey to Albany, & went himselfe to sustain the Indians 
against the French, towards the charges of w*''* Expedition a 
Countrey Rate and other taxes were laid by the Gov' andCouncill 
in New York amounting to j£3813 .6.4 whereof Pet' (Living- 
ston) al'ledges J£1129 . 3 . 6 to remain yet unpaid in the severall 
Countyes. — Statement of Mr. Livingston's Case^ Sfc. Sept. 1695. 



V- [ParU Doc. IV.] . , , r v' .. 

On the fifteenth day of September of the Year One thousand, 
Six bundred and Eighty and Eight, in the forenoon, Sieur Des- 
berg^res Captain of one of the companies of the Detachment of 
the Marine, Commandant of Fort Niagara having assembled all 



' 1 

, \ 


•? \4 

3^ ", 
. >'>■,'■■" .i 






tf J 

the officers,' the Rer: Path' Millet of the Society of Jesus Mis 
•ionary , and others, to communicate to them the orders he received 
from the Marquis de Denonville Governor and Lieutenant General 
for the King in the whole extent of New France and Country of 
Canaau, dated the 6^^ of July of the present year, wherein he is 
ordered to demolish the fortification of the said Fort, with the 
exception of the cabins and quarters, which will be found standing 
(en nature) ; Wc, Chevalier de La Motthe, Lieutenant of a detached 
company of the Marine, and Major of said Fort, have made a Proces 
Verbal, by order of said Commandant, containing a Memorandum 
of the condition in which we leave said quarters which will remain 
entire, to maintain the possession His Majesty and the French 
have for a long time had in this Niagara district. 
Firstly :— 
We leave in the centre of the Square & large, framed, wooden 
Cross, eighteen feet in height, on the arms of which are inscribed 
in large letters, these words : — 

which was erected on last Good Friday by all the officers and 
solemnly blessed by the Rev. Fath' Millet. 

Jifem, a Cabin in which the Commandant lodged, containing a 
good chimney, a door and two windows furnished with their 
ningcs, fastenings and locks, which cabin is covered with forty- 
four deal boards and about six other boards arranged inside into 
a sort of bedstead. 

Itemy in the immediate vicinity of said Cabin is another cabin 
with two rooms having each its chimney j ceiled {lamhrises) with 
boards and in each a little window and three bedsteads, the door 
furnished with its hinges and fastenings ; the said Cabin is covered 
with fifty deal boards and there are sixty like boards on each side. 

Jtemy right in front is the Rev. Fath' Millet's Cabin furnished 
with its chimney, windows and sashes ; with shelves, a bedstead 
and four boards arranged inside, with a door furnished with its 
fastenings and hinges, the which is of twenty-four boards. ■ 



Jtenif another Cabin, opposite the Cross, in which there is a 
chimney, board ceiling and three bedsteads, covered with forty- 
two boards, with three like boards on one side of said cabin, there 
is a window with its sash and a door furnished with its hinges and 

Item^ another Cabin with a chimney, a small window with its 
sash and a door ; covered with thirty deal boards ; there are three 
bedsteads inside. 

Item^ a bake house furnished with its oven and chimney, partly 
covered with boards and the remainder with hurdles and clay ; 
also an apartment at the end of said Bakery containing two chim- 
neys : There are in said Bakery a window and door furnished 
with its hinges and fastenings. 

Item^ another large and extensive framed building having a 
double door furnished with nails, hinges and fastenings, with 
three small windows : the said apartment is without a chimney ;. 
'tis floored with twelve plank {madriers) and about twelve boards 
are arranged inside; without, 'tis clapboarded witli eighty-two 
plank. ' 

Item, a large storehouse covered with one hundred and thirty 
boards, surrounded by pillars, eight feet high, in which there are 
many pieces of wood serving as small joists, and partly floored 
with several unequal plank. There is a window and a sliding sash. 

Item^ above the scarp of the ditch a Well with its cover. 

All which apartments are in the same condition in which they 
were last winter, and consequently inhabitable. Which all the Wit- 
nesses, namely, the Rev. Fath' Millet of the Society of Jesus, 
Missionary ; Sieur Desberg^res, Captain and Commander ; Sieurs 
De la Motthe, La Rabellc, Demuratre, de Clerin and Sieurs de 
Gemerais, Chevalier de Tregay all lieutenants and officers, and 
Maheut Pilot of the Bark the General, now in the Roadstead, 
certify to have seen and visited all the said apartments and have 
therefore signed the Minute and Original of these presents: — 
Pierre Millet of the Soc> of Jesus, Desbergeres, le Chevalier 
De La Mothe, De La Rabelle, Mvrat, De Clezin, de la 
Gemesais, Commander de Tsegimo, and Maheut. 

1 This most probably was the Chapel. 






' 1 . ^ ' 



i ■/{ 



.S ;,>) 

['•'<; -"'Aiii*- 





v» ';i>ri;iS* 

it^ "("i 


.yi.. a;j/jf t.'.fi 

r.i J, 



OF nn 

Uah Snfiohttonta of Srlalfr Cornrtq, 1689. 

1 1 ' ■ •<<.;■ 



Cap**: H'dtinery Beekman 

Capo Matthis Matihison 

Left: Abraham Haesbrock 

Lowies Bouier 

John Hendricks *' ' 

Albart Johnson V: Steenwicke 

Marten Hoffeman 

William Van ffredingborch 

Lowranc. Van der Bush 

Wessell Tenbrock 

John Boorehanc 

John Willianson Hogetilen 

Gerritt Arsin ' 

- :, .. 1 1,: .7,. r'f . 

Tunis Elison 

John ifocken 

William DeMy's: • . ' 

Johanas Schencke 

William De Lamontanij 

John Johnson Van Osterenhoudt 

Jochijam Hendricks 

Harrama Hendricks 




John Haesbrock 
Cornel is Sweitts 
Burgar Mind^'son 
Hendrick Albertsa 
Abraham ffranck ford ' 
William: Danswick ' 
Moses Depuis *'' * ' 

William Hoogtilin ' ' '^' 
Gerritt Wincoop '.' ' 

Symon Cool 
Isack Dibois 
Benj»: PrdYorist 
Jesely Valleij 
Andries Laffever 
Pett': Dovo 
Abraham Deboijs 
Moses Laconta 
Petter Hellibrandts 
Symon Laffever ' ' 
Sander Rocslnkranc 
Cornells Cool -^^'^ ^^•^- 

<• i-v .: 

■V } 




t i 



J, i '. 

'K i,'' ' 


Pctt': Johnson 

Claes Claes Sluitt' 

Powlas Powlas 

Thomas Quick 

Nicolas Anthony 

Johanas Wincop 

Jost Jansin 

Jacob Arsin 

Matthies Slecht 

John Middag 

Hendrick Cornelis Bogard 

Oisbort Albortsa 

Gerrit Van ffleitt 

Cornelis Slecht 

Jacob Cool 

Abraham Rutton 

Abl Westfalin 

Abraham Lamiater * 

Pett': Jacobs 

Isack Van fifredingborch 

Gerrit Cornelis 

Jacob Lamiater 

Arrian Tunis 

Claes Westfalin , 

John Cottin . ,^.; 

Johanas Westfalin 

Thomas Johnson 

Hendrick Johnson Van Bush 

Andries Petters , 

Gerritt Jansa Decker ,• 1 ■ 

Lendart Cool 

Cornelis ffinehoudt 

Tunis Jacobs 

Jacob Schutt > 

Leury Jacobs „^v. 

John Elting 

Rollof Swartwout 



Arrie ffrance 

John Osternhoudt Juno*: 

Hendrick Traphager 

Jacob Decker 

Rollofif Hendrickes 

Cornelis VerNoij 

Hendrick Van Wien 

Hiuge ffreri Senior 

Hiuge ffreri Junior 

Pett': Cornelis • 

Gerritt Johnson 

Anthony Criupill 

Abraham Carrmar 

Pett*: Winniy 

John Pett'son 

John Josten 

Wallraven DeMont Junio' 

Johanas Traphager 

Hendrick in the ffeelt 

Petter Criupill 

Gerrit Gisborts 

Hendrick Hendricks 

John Gerrittsa of new Church 

Hendrick Arreyn 

John Van ffleitt 

Claes Tunis ' , ■ 

Andries Dewitt , ; '^ [ 

Jacob Van Etta •: v^ 

John Schutt ^ . 

John Dewitt 

Hendrick Johnson 

Thomas Swardtwout 

John Van Etta 

Anthony Swartwoudt 

John Jacosa Stoll 

Heybert Lambertsa 

William Jacobs 




Dirrick Westbroclc 

Agbert I^endricks 

Sami; Berrey 

Lambert Heybertsin 

Hendrick Claes 

Brown Hendricks 

Harrama Pier 

John David 

John Blanchard 

Cornelis Gerritts 

John Smedis 

Bariant Cuinst 

Hellebrandt Lazer 

Johanas Bush 

Pietter Lhommedien 

August Jay 

John RuUand 

William Traphager Juno' 

Jochyam Van Ama , 

Aimi canchi 

Jacob Besteyansa 

Abraham Larew 

Matthis Blanzan Junio' 

John Lazier 

James Bonamiz 

Dirrick Hendricks ;' 

John Gerrittsa 

James Cordaback 

Powlas Powlason Junoi" 

John Williamson y« Duitcher 

William Schutt 

Cornelis Tacke 

John Johnson Poast 

Petter Demarr 

Privie go Doon 

Lowies Deboyes Senior 

Jacob Deboyes 

David Deboyes 
Sallomon Deboyes 
Evert Wincoope 
Johanas Westbrock 
John Peteet 
Rutt Jores 
Heibort Sealand 
Jury Tunies 
John Broerson Decker 
Roulof Johnson 
John Matthies 
Heymon Roos 
John Roos 
Arrie Roos 
Petter Pettersin 
Gerritt Agbortsin 
Claes Roosinffelt 
Jn<»: Evedin 
Cornelis Lambertsin 
Thomas Harramansa 
Johanas Dehogos 
Moses Cantine 
Isack Deboyes 
Cornelis Mastin 
John Euertsa 
Coinradt Elvendorop 
Cornelis Petterson 
Barrant Jacobs > 
Marines Van Acar 
Claes Lazier 
Barrant Coll 
Symon Westfallin 
Arrent Jacobs 
Artt marten son Doom 
Cornelis Bogardos 
Arrent Van Dick 



wnAMnAxns of uLSTsa ooumtt. 




These flowing persons were present when y* Oath wat A 
givin. but Did Reffeues to tiuke it Viz* 
Antony Tilba Joseph ffocker 

Thomas Van der Marrick Jacob Home 

These ffollowing persons 

John Archer 

Livie Larrow 

Maghell DeMott 

Euert Pelce 

Symon Pelce 

Terrick Claes Dewitt 

Wallraven Demont Senior 

Dirrick Schepmous 

Matthis Tennick 

Claes Tunis 

Gisbert Crum 

Arre Gerritt Van ffleitt 

Dirrick Van ffleitt 

Jno; Lodlman 

Jury Lodtman , 

Did nott appeare Viz* ' 

Hellebrandt Lodtman 

Jacob Brown Alis y" Noorman 

Warnar Hornebeak 

John Lowrance 

Symon Larow 

Cornelis Hogoboom 

Cornelis y« Duitcher 

Gombart Powlasin | 

Jn°: Meueson. AlisJnDepape 

William Wallaffish 

Jno Pollin 

Antony Bussalin 

Gerritt Aylberts 

Dirrick Keizer 

Thouas Chambers 



^ - - t ' ■ 






€^t SnnaBton of l^m-fmk 

€l}t ISurmng of |f[imfrtQbi) 



/ i 

i"! ■ 

i '.1 






,; ' ^'1 


': ^ 'j 






or ArrAiRS or that country. January, 1689. 

[Pari! Doo. lY.] 

To Monseigneur^ the Marquis of Seignelay, 

At) the recent Revolution in England will change the face of 
American affairs it becomes necessary to adopt entirely new mea- 
sures to secure Canada against the great dangers with which it is 

Chevalier Andros, now Governor General of New Englcnd 
and New York, having already declared in his letters to M. de 
Denonville that he took all the Iroquois under his protection as 
subjects of the Crown of England and having prevented them 
returning to M. de Denonville to make peace with us, there is no 
longer reason to hope for its conclusion through the English nor 
for the alienation of the Iroquois from the close union which exists 
with those in consequence of the great advantages they derive 
from thence, the like to which we cannot offer for divers reasons. 

Chevalier Andros is a proteslant as well as the whole English 
Colony so that there is no reason to hope that he will remain 
faithful to the King of England [James II.] and we must expect 
that he will not only urge the Iroquois to continue the war against 
us but that he will even add Englishmen to them to lead them and 
seize the posts of Niagara, Michilimakinak and others proper to 
render him master of all the Indians our allies, according to the 
project they have long since formed, and which they began to 
execute when we declared war against the Iroquois and when we 
captured 70 Englishmen who were going to take possession of 
Michilimakinak, one of the most important posts of Canada ; our 

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entrep6t for the Fur Trade and the residence of the Superior of 
the Rev. Jesuit Fathers, Missionaries among our Savages, and 
which belongs, incontestably, to us. 

It is to be expected, then, that they are about to endeavour to 
invest all Canada and raise all the Savages against us, in order to 
deprive us wholly of every sort of Trade and draw it all to them- 
selves by means of the cheap bargains of merchandize they can 
give them, nearly a half less than our Frenchmen can afford 
theirs, for reasons which will be, elsewhere, explained, and thus 
become masters of all the peltries ; a trade which sustains Canada 
and constitutes one of the chief benefits that France derives from 
that Colony. 

No sooner will the English have ruined our Trade with the 
Savages than uniting with them they will be in a position to fall 
on us, burn and sack our settlements, scattered along the River 
St. Lawrence to Quebec, without our being able to prevent them, 
having no fortress capable of arresting them. 

Things being thus disposed, the only means to avoid this mis- 
fortune is to anticipate it by the expedition which will be hereafter 
explained and which I offer to execute forthwith, if it please His 
Majesty to confide its direction to me on account of the. particu- 
lar knowledge I have acquired of the affairs of that country during 
five years that I bad the honour to serve His Majesty and to 
command his troops and military there, after twenty years service 
in the army. 

The plan is, to go straight to Orange (Albany) the most ad- 
vanced town of New- York, one hundred leagues from Montreal, 
which I would undertake to carry, and to proceed thence to seize 
Manathe, the capital of that Colony situated on the seaside ; on 
condition of being furnished with supplies necessary for the success 
of the expedition. i 

I demand for that only the troops at present maintained by His 
Majesty in Canada if it be pleasing to him to fill them up by a 
reinforcement of soldiers which they require in consequence of 
sickness that has produced the deaths of many among them. 

These troops number 35 companies which at 60 men each ought 
to pve 1750. Yet at the review made when I left, there were 



found only about 1300, so that 450 soldiers are still required to 
complete them ; thus it would be necessary that His Majesty 
should please to order the levy of at least 400 men, and to have 
them enlisted as quick as possible in order that they may be em- 
barked in the first vessels. 

The use I propose to make of these 1700 men is to take " the 
pick" {Petite) of ihem to the number of 1400 and to adjoin to 
them the elite of the Militia to the number of 600, so as to carry 
these 2000 men necessary on this expedition ; leaving the 300 re- 
maining soldiers to guard the principal outposts at the head of our 
Colony in order to prevent the Iroquois seizing and burning them 
whilst we should be in the field. 

I propose embarking these 2000 men, with the supplies neces- 
sary for their subsistence in a sufficient number of canoes and flat 
Batteaux which we already employed in the two last Campaigns 
against the Iroquois. 

My design is, to lead them by the Ricl.elieu River into Lake 
Champlain as far as a Carrying Place which is within three leagues 
of the Albany River that runs to Orange.' I shall conceal this 
expedition, which must be kept very secret, by saying that the 
King has commanded me to proceed at the head of His troops and 
Militia to the Iroquois Country to dictate Peace to them on the 
conditions it has pleased His Majesty to grant them without the 
interference of the English, inasmuch as the Iroquois are his true 
subjects ; without letting any one know our intention of attacking 
the English until we have arrived at the point whence I shall send 
to tell the Iroquois, by some of their Nation, that I am not come 
to wage war against them but only to reduce the English, who 
have caused our division, and to re-establish the good friendship 
that formerly existed between us j therefore they had better avoid 
coming to their aid if they wish not to be treated with the greatest 
rigor, the said English being unable to protect them from the 
force I lead against them, and that il shall turn against the said 
Iroquois, if they dare assist them 

As the Batteaux cannot proceed further than the Carrying 

1 This " Carrying Place" or portage is now traversed by that section of tlie 
Ghamrlain Canal extending from Fort Anne to Sandy Hill. 

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Place, my intention is to erect there a small log fort {un petit fort 
de pieux terrass^s) which I shall have built in three days, and to 
leave 200 men in it to guard the Batteaux ; thence march direct 
to Orange, embarking our supplies on the River in canoes which 
we shall bring and which can be convoyed by land, we marching 
with the troops along the river as an escort. 

I calculate to seize in passing some English Villages and Set- 
tlements where I shall find provisions and other conveniences for 
attacking the town of Orange. 

That town b about as large as Montreal, surrounded by picquets 
at one end of which is an Earthen Fort defended by palisades and 
consisting of four small bastions. There is a garrison of 150 
men of three companies in the fort and some pieces of Cannon. 
Said town of Orange may contain about 150 houses and 300 
inhabitants capable of bearing arms, the majority of whom are 
Dutch and some French Refugees with some English. 

After having invested the Town and summoned it to surrender 
with promise not to pillage if it capitulate, I propose in case of 
resistance to cut or burn the palisades, in orJer to affor«l an 
opening, and enter there sword in hand and srize the fort. 
These being only about 14 feet high can be easily escaladed by 
means of the conveniences we shall find, when Masters of the 
town, or by blowing in the gate with a few petards or two small 
field pieces which may be of use to me and I shall find means of 
conveying there, if his Ma*y will please to have them furnished 
at La Rochelle to take with me, and some grenades and other 
munitions, a list of which I shall hand in separately, and which 
will be deducted from the funds His Majesty destines for Canada 
so as not to increase the expenditure of preceding years. 

After I shall have become Master of the town and fort of 
Orange, which I expect to achieve before the English can afford 
it any succor, my intention is to leave a garrison of 200 men in 
the fort with sufficient supplies which I shall find in the City, and 
to disarm all the Inhabitants, granting at His Majesty's pleasure 
pardon to the French deserters and inhabitants I shall find there, 
so as to oblige them to follow me. 

I shall seize all the barks, batteaux and canoes that are at 



Orange, to embark my force on the river which is navigable 
down to Manathe, and I shall embark with the troops the neces- 
sary provisions and ammunition, and some pieces of Cannon 
to be taken from Fort Orange to serve in the attack on Manathe, 
[New York.] 

This place consists of a town composed of about 200 houses 
and can put about 400 inhabitants under arms. They are di- 
vided into four Companies of Infantry of 50 men each, and three 
Companies of Cavalry of the same number, the horses being 
very common in that country. This town is not enclosed, being 
situated on a Peninsula at the mouth of the river that falls into 
a Bay forming a fine harbour. It is defended by a Fort faced 
with stone having four Bastions with several pieces of cannon, 
commanding the Port on one side and the town on the other. 

I contemplate first carrying the town by assault, it being all 
open, and making use of the houses nearest the Fort to approach 
the latter j forming a battery of the Cannon I shall have brought 
from Orange and of that I may find in the stores of the town, 
where the vessels arm and disarm. 

It is necessary for the success of this Expedition that H. M. 
give orders to two of the ships of War destined this year to escort 
the merchantmen who go to Canada and Acadie or the fishermen 
who go for Cod to the Great Bank, to come after having con- 
voyed the merchants, towards the end of August, into the Gulf 
of Manathe and cruize there during the month of September, as 
well to prevent succor from Europe which may arrive from Eng- 
land or Boston, as to enter the port when I on my arrival shall 
give the signal agreed upon, so as to aid us in capturing the Fort 
which they may cannonade from aboard their ships whilst I at- 
tack it on land. They can in case of necessity even land some 
marines (to replace the 400 men I shall have left on the road 
guarding Orange and the Batteaux); also some pieces of Cannon 
if we require them. They might reimbark and return to France 
in the month of October after the capture of the Fort and carry 
the intelligence thereof. ? .vi 

After we should have become masters of the town and fort of 
Manathe I shall cause the Inhabitants to be disarmed and send my 



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VfYA^9V OF fra;w-YQK|C 

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Canadians back by the Albany river to Orange on their way to 
their batteaux and on their return home. I should winter at 
Manathe with all the troops I would have brought with me except 
the 200 soldiers left to guard Orange; and as I shall have nothing 
to fear from the land side, being master of the rivers, I would 
work through the winter to strengthen myself against attacks of 
the English whilst waiting until H. M. should be pleased to send 
^hat may be necessary to secure this important conquest. 

It would render H. JNf . absolute Master of the whole of Iroquois 
who derive from this Colony all the arms and ammunition witl^ 
which they make war on us. This will afford the means to dis- 
arm them whenever considered necessary, and thereby impose on 
them such laws as H. M. may please; the town of Boston, the 
capital of New England being too far from them to afford any aid. 

Having mastered the Iroquois we shall have equal control of 
all the other Savages who will come without hesitation and bring 
us all their peltries. 7^^ "^^^^ cause the trade of our Colony to 
flourish ; will considert^bly augment H. M.'s revenues and evet^t,- 
ually diminish the expences he is obliged to incur for the preser- 
vation of Canada* 

It will firmly establish the Christian Religion as well ?mong 
the Iroquois as among the other Savages to whom we shall be able 
to speak as Masters when they are encircled on the side of Canada 
as well as of New York, ^t will secure and facilitate the Co^ 
fishery which is carried on along our Coasts of la Cadie and on 
the Great Bank. It will giv^ H. M. one of the ^nest harbours 
in America which can be entered during almost all seasons of the 
year in less than one month of very easy navigation; whilst that 
from France to Quebec cannot b^ prosecuted except in syinmer oi^ 
account of the Ice which closes the River St. Lawrence, itself 
long and perilous. 

It may be objected to this plan, that the Colony of Orange and 
M&nathe may remain faithful to the King of England, apd in this 
case it would not be fipropos to attack it ^d (Iraw^ down an 
open war with that English Colony to the prejudice of the Treat j 
of Neutrality concluded between th? two nations. 

^t m^y be answered to this, ^hat the colpjiy of |l|Iapathe ^nd 

I ■ 




Orange, being the same as that formerly called New Netherland 
which the English took from the Dutch, and the greater part of 
which is still of this latter nation and all Protestants, it is nut to 
be doubted but that they would receive the orders of the Prince of 
Orange and even force their Governor, did he not consent, to ac- 
knowledge him, and therefore we must look on as certain a war 
between that Colony and us, and not give it the time to push its 
intrigues with the Savages to ruin us by means of them, if we do 
not anticipate them. And in case that, contrary to all appearances, 
they remain faithful to the King of England during the general 
rebellion of the English, we might, if H. M. thought proper, being 
on terms with that King, confide to him the secret of this expedi- 
tion, draw from him an order to the Commandant of Orange and 
of Manathe to surrender these places into H M.'s hands, who 
would keep them for him and prevent the Rebels becoming masters 
of them, so as to have an opportunity to treat them as rebels did 
they not obey that order, being besiiles this, in a position to 
force them to it, on condition of negotiating eventually with the 
King for that Colony, which is the only means of securing Canada, 
firmly establi-shing Religion, Trade and the Kings authority through- 
out all North America. If the favorable opportunity which 
presents of becoming master of that Colony be neglected, it may 
surely be calculated that, through its intrigues with the Iroquois 
and other Savages, it will destroy Canada in a little time ; whose 
ruin will entail that of the establishment at Hudson's bay, the 
beaver and other peltry trade ; that of Acadia, the local fishery, 
and that of Newfoundland ; and if we be forced to abandon 
Canada, it will, hereafter, in consequence of the frequent chasing 
of our fishermen by English vessels, render very difficult and dan- 
gerous for H. M.'s subjects the Codfishery on the Great Bank, 
wiiich produces several millions to France, and is one of the most 
prc^table investments that we have. 


• 11 

v: I . ♦ 









[Paris Doc. IV.] 

The King, having examined the proposition made him by Sieur 
Chevalier de CalliSres Bonnevue of Montreal to attack New- York 
with his Majesty's troops in Canada and "a number of the militia' 
of that country, has the more willingly assented to it as he knows 
that the English inhabiting that quarter have resolved since the 
last year to excite the Iroquois Nation, His Majesty's subjects, 
and force them to wage war against the French, having furnished 
them for that purpose with arms and ammunition, and endeavoured 
in every way, even to the prejudice of the King of England's or- 
ders and the ftiith of Treaties, to usurp the trade of the French in 
the country in possession of which they have been from all time. 

To accomplish this project His Majesty has given orders to 
Sieur Begon to prepare the munitions necessary for the expedition 
and has caused two of his ships of war to be equipped in the port 
of Rochefort under the command of Sieur de la Caffini^re whom 
he has ordered to follow exactly the directions which said Sieur 
de Frontenac will give him regarding this expedition. 
^ He will set out with all diligence to embark at Rochelle in on 
of the ships and sail without loss of time for the entrance of the 
gulf of St. Lawrence and Campseaux bay, where he will embark 
in the best of the merchantmen that will follow and repair to 
Quebec. »*###•- 

Therefore on his arrival at Quebec he will take advantage of 
the state in which he will find things, to complete the suitable 
arrangements for departing with batteaux, canoes and all the equi- 
page necessary for this expedition with the Chevalier de Calli^res 
who will command the troops under his orders. 

i-k' will despatch by land or water as he shall deem most cer- 
tain, orders and instructions to Sieur dS la Caffini^re, to the 
place he will have designated, as to what he shall have to do, in 



I of 


order to repair to Manathe, he making use of the cypher \vhich 
shall have been furnished him. 

He will order him to sail directly and without undertaking any 
thing along his course, follow the coast of Acadie (where he 
will leave in passing what he shall have for the said coast of 
Acadie) down to Manathe, and order him to anchor as safely as 
posible and to observe well the quarter where he will make his 
landing when said Sieur de Frontenac shall have arrived there. 

He will give orders to the Sieur de la Caffini^re to seize the 
vessels he will find in the bay of the said Manathe, without ex- 
posing himself to any accident that may render him unable to 
cooperate in that enterprise. 

As it is impossible to fix on a certain rendezvous for the arrival 
of said vessels at Manathe at the same time that the Sieur de 
Frontenac will arrive there with the troops, without alarming 
those of that place, the two vessels of war must go right into the 
bay, more especially as the attack on the frontier post of New- 
York will give warning to those of Manathe j and the vessels 
thus arriving before the land forces, will cause a diversion. 
» # * • • . • • 

The said Sieur de Frontenac having informed himself of the 
route he is to take, of which he will make more particular enquiries 
on the spot, as regard the convenience, security and expedition of 
the troops. His Majesty will not enter into further detail on this 
subject, nor on the attack on Orange and Manatte nor on any 
thing that relates thereto. He will solely recommend him to act 
as much as possible, in such a manner that those of Orange may 
not be advised of his march, so that he may surprise this first post 
and cut in below Oranfje to secure the number of vessels he may 
require to descend on Manathe, and to place things in such order as 
not to be uneasy when he shall depart for and be established at, the 
said Manathe. For this purpose he ought to leave a confidential 
officer at Orange with such detachment as he will find necessary 
to be left there, with orders to be on his guard and to fortify him- 
self, and obtain all information possible for the success of the 
expedition against Manathe. He will also cause all the inhabitantsto 
be disarmed and their effects to be seized, giving them to hope every 







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good treatment with which they can flatter themselves until he 
entertuns no further apprehensions ; then His Majesty desires that 
irhat is hereinafter prescribed to him, may be executed. 

He wishes particular care to be taken to prevent any plunder o) 
jtrovisions, merchandize, ammunition, property, cattle, utensils and 
principal household furniture ; and as his object must be to place 
Forts Orange and Manathe in a $tate of defence, and to support 
the Frenchmen who will have riemained there, he must not only 
Victual the forts for the longest time possible but collect there all 
bt can of provisions, and in default of a Sufficient quantity of 
magazines in s^id forts, hb will lock them up in the towns, taking 
care not to touch those which he should deposit in said forts 
<tQccept when obliged. 

His Majesty does not wish any suspected inhabitants be left in 
ttlat Colony. His intention also is thii an exact Inventory be made 
in the settlements and plantations by CommiiSsary Gaillard (whom 
His Majesty wishes him to take with him,) of all cattle, grain, 
merchandize, furniture, effects and utensils he may find in each of 
the said settlements ; that he select from among the inhabitants 
of Canada and the officers and soldiers of the troops those who 
irill be found qualified to maintain and improve them, and that he 
ifurhish th^se with farms in His Majesty's name leaving them of 
^e provisions that will be found there, as ibuch as shall be neces- 
sary to support them until they have produced some ; and he will 
diamine, one with another, those to whom he will think proper 
td grant said farms, so as to distribute the greater number in pro- 
portion to their skill and strength, observing to associate several 
in the same settlement when he shall deem such necessary. He 
will inform his Majesty of all he shall have done in this regard by 
lending him the enumeration of all that he shall have left in each 
such settlement, and furnish his opinion of the Quit rents which 
they will be in a condition to pay him. After having settled on 
wbat he shall judge absolutely necessary to leave to those to 
whom he will have given these farms, he will place in store 
all the surplus, such as grain, whale oil and all sorts of merchan- 
dize and other principal effects of which also inventories shall be 
made to be equally sent to his Majesty. 





He will examine into the means of distributing said propertj 
80 that from what he will acquire there, his Majesty may order, 
on his advice, the gratuities he shall judg6 fitting to bestOMi^ on 
said militia, the artny and navy officers, soldiers and sailors Whio 
shall have distinguished themselves and given individual marks df 
that satisfaction which he expects from their zeal Atod industry tiU 
tUs occasion. 

If he find among the inhabitants of I^ew York, whether £2h'^- 
lish or Dutch, any Catholics on whose fidelity he considers hii 
can rely, he may leave them in their habitations after making 
them take the oath of allegiance to His Majesty, provided thef^ 
be not too many of them and they do not excite any suspicion, 
having regard, in that, only to ^hat will best promote the pVe- 
servatibn and advantage of the Colony and its security at ihi 
same time as well as that of the French. 

He may likewise retain, if he think proper, mechanics and other 
^6tking p(^ople necessary to cultivate the land and work at forti- 
ftiiations in the capacity of prisoners, distributing them among the 
French inhabitants who may require thiem, until matters being in 
a state of entire security, they may be restored to liberty. 

Thie officers and principal inhabitants, from whom ransoms Can 
bit exacted, toust be detained in prison. / ' " "^^ 

Respecting all other foreigners, men, women and children, Hfs 
Majesty deems it proper that they should be put out of the Colony 
and sent to New England, Pennsylvania and to such other quat- 
ters as shall be considered expedient, either by land or sea, tog*^ 
ther or in divisions — all according as he shall find will best secuil^ 
their dispersion and prevent thiem, by reunion, affording enemies 
an 6ppbrtunity to giet up expedition^ against that Colony. 

He will send to France the Frehch Refugees whom he will find 
diere, particularly those of the pretended Reformed religion. 
T^hin he will have captured the fort and conquered that Colony 
he must think particularly of his return to Canada to convej^ 
thither the Militia and Soldiers he shall deetti niecessary for the 
Kiiig^s service, according to the disposition in which he shall 
find things both as regards the Iroquois as Well on the side of 
Oahida as on that of New York, and iii ptoportiota to wM 


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troops he will calculate necessary to be left to guard the forts and 

And as nothing appears more important, after his expedition, 
than to take advantage of the season to return to Canada, he 
must, in case he cannot execute all that is above contained, con- 
fide its execution to Sieur Chevalier de Calli6res, giving him 
orders conformable and according to what he shall consider most 
fitting the King's service j His Majesty having determined to 
confer on the said Chevalier de Calli6res the Government of 
New York) and of the town and fort of Manathe in particular, 
under the authority of His Majesty's Lieutenant General in New 

He will select, before leaving, the officers and soldiers he will 
deem proper to leave at New York and put over the posts those 
officers best qualified to maintain and fortify them. 

In case he fin^, after having provided sufficient troops lor New 
York and concluded on the number of soldiers necessary for His 
Majesty's service in Canada, that he has a superabundance, he 
can send ;i>ome to France in the King's Ships, and retain thirty- 
five to forty men to be sent eventually to Acadia. 

His Majesty is very glad to observe to him on this head, that 
he must regulate himself, as regards the number of men he will 
leave in New York, by the means of subsistence there and the 
necessity of guarding the country ; and he will also consider 
that his return to Canada will be more convenient for those he 
will have to convey back there, when they will not be more 

In case, contrary to all appearance, the season be too far 
advanced to admit his return to Canada during the remain- 
der of the Fall, he will give advice of his expedition and 
sojourn there until the Spring, and he will employ himself 
during winter in securing his conquest and waging war on the 

However that be, he ought if he be obliged to remain, either 
personally or through Chevalier de Calli^res, if that be conven- 
ient, profit by circumstances to conclude a solid and advantageous 
peace with the Iroquois, whom he will, doubtless find disposed to 



sue for it, being deprived of aid from and communication with 
the English. 

In onler to deprive the English of the facility of undertaking 
land expeilitions against New York from New England, His 
Majesty desires that the English Settlements adjoining Manathe 
iind further off if necessary, be destroyed j and that the more 
distant be put under contribution. 

He will send an exact report of all the observations he will 
be able to make regarding the trade of the new inhabitants of 
New York, the security of the navigation thence to France, the 
communication with Canada, so that His Majesty may give him 
on those points the necessary orders to derive from that conquest 
all the advantages to be expected from it. But should this ex- 
pedition contrary to all appearances, and for reasons which His 
Majesty cannot foresee, not be executed, he will convey his orders 
to the said Sieur de la f^afHiii^re to make war against the English, 
and to range along the Coasts of New England and New York to 
capture there as many prizes as possible, and to remain there until 
he have no more provisions than are necessary for his return to 
France. . . . , 





[Paris Doc. IV.] j< f 

[Extract.] The orders received by M. le Comte (de Frontenac) 
to commence hostilities against New England and New York, 
which had declared for the Prince of Orange, afforded him con- 
siderable pleasure, and were very necessary for the country. H« 
allowed no more time to elapse before carrying them into execution 
tlian was required to send off some despatches to France — imme- 
diately after which he determined to organize three different 
detachments, to attack those rebels at all points at the same mo 


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nient, and to punish them at various places for having afTorded 
protection to our enemies, the Mohawks. The first party wan to 
rendezvous at Montreal, and proceed towards Orange j the second 
at Three Rivers, and to make a descent on New York, at somt 
place between Boston and Orange;' and the third was to depart 
frbm Quebec, and gain the seaboard between Boston and Penta- 
gouet, verging towards Acadia. They all succeeded perfect!^ 
W6ll, and I shall communicate to you the details. • • • • 

The detachment which formed at Montreal, may have been 
composed of about two hundred and ten men, namely: eighty 
tevag.'s from the Saulf, and from La Moniagne; sixteen Algon- 
quin* ; and the remainder Frenchmen — all under the command 
off the Sieur Le ^toyne de Sainte Helene, and Lieutenant Daille- 
bo'ut de Mantet, both of whom are Canadians. The Sieurs le 
Mbyne d' Iberville arid Repentigny de Montesson commanded 
tiAder these. The best qualified Frenchmen were, the Slcurs de 
Bonrepos and de La Brosse, Calvinist officers, the Sieur la Moyne 
de Blainville, Le Bert du Ch^ne, and la Marque de Montigny, 
who all served as volunteers. They took their departure from 
Montreal at the commencement of February. 

After having marched for the course of five or six days, they 
called a council to determine the route they should follow^ and 
the point they should attack. 

The Indians demanded of the French what was their intention. 
Messieurs de Sainte Helene and Mantet replied that they had left 
in the hope of attacking Orange, if possible, as it is the Capital 
of New York and a place of considerable importance, though 
they had no orders to that effect, but generally to act according 
as they should judge on the spot of their chances of success, 
without running too much risk. This appeared to the savages 
iomewhat rash. They represented the difficulties and the weak- 
ness of the party for so bold an undertaking. There was even 
dhe among them who, his mind filled with the recollections of the 
diitosters which he had witnessed last year, enquired of our French- 
ftien, " since when had they become so desperate 1" In reply to 

1 Thii detachment entered New Hampshire where they burned a place called 
Sdtnon Falls. 






their raillery, 'twas answered that it was our intention, now, to 
regain the honor of which our misfortunes had deprived us, and 
the sole means to accomplish that was to carry Orange, or to 
perish in so glorious an enterprise. 

As the Indians, who had an intimate acquaintance with the 
localities, and more experience than the French, rould not be 
brought to agree with the latter, it was determined to postpone 
coming to a conclusion until the party should arrive at the spot 
where the two routes separate — the one leading to Orange, and 
the other to Corlear (Schenectady). In the course of the journey, 
which occupied eight days, the Frenchmen judged proper to di- 
verge towards Corlear, according to the advite of the Indians j 
and this road was taken without calling a new council. Nine 
days more elapsed before they arrived, having experienced incon- 
ceivable difficulties, and having been obliged to march up to their 
kncis in water, and to break the ice with their feet in order to 
find a solid footing. 

They arrived within two leagues of Corlear about four o'clock 
in the evening, and were harangued by the great Mohawk chief 
of the Iroquois from the Sault. He urged on all to perform their 
duty, an«l to lose all recollections of their fatigue, in the hope of 
taking ample revenge for the injuries they had received from 
the Iroquois at the solicitation of the English, and of washing 
them out in the blood of the traitors. This savage was without 
contradiction the most considerable of his tribe — an honest man — 
as full of spirit, prudence and generosity as it was possible, and 
capable at the same time of the grandest undertakings. Shortly 
after four Squaws were discovered in a wigAvam who gave every 
information necessary for the attack on the town. The fire found 
in their hut served to warta those who were benumbed, and they 
continued their route, having previously detached Giguieres, a 
Canadian, with nine Indians, on the look out. They discovered 
no one, and returned to join the main body within one league of 
Corlear.". '' ^ . 

At eleven of the clock that night, they came within sight of th* 
town, resolved to defer the assault until two o'clock of the morn- 
ing. But the excessive cold admitted of no further delay. 








i ■ 







''4i y. 













The town of Corlear forms a sort of oblong" with only two 
gates — one opposite the road we had taken; the other leading to 
Orange, which is only six leagues distant. Messieurs de Sainte 
Helene and de Mantet were to enter at the first which the squaws 
, pointed out, and which in fact was found wide open. Messieurs 
d'Iberville and de Montesson took the left with another detach- 
ment, in order to make themselves masters of that leading to 
Orange. But they could not discover it, and returned to join the 
remainder of the party. A profound silence was every where ob- 
served, until the two commanders, who separated, at their entrance 
into the town for the purpose of encircling it, had met at th« 
the other extremity. 

The signal of attack was given Indian fashion, and the entire 
force rushed on simultaneously. M. de Mantet placed himself at 
the head of a detachment, and reached a small fort where the gar- 
rison was under arms. The gate was burst in after a good deal 
of difficulty, the whole set on fire, and all who defended the place 

The sack of the town began a moment before the attack on the 
fort. Few houses made any resistance. M. de Montigny dis- 
covered some which he attempted to carry sword in hand, having 
tried the musket in vain. He received two thrusts of a spear — 
one in the body and the other in the arm. But M. de Sainte He- 
lene having come to his aid, effected an entrance, and put every 
one who defended the place to the sword. The Massacre lasted 
two hours. The remainder of the night was spent in placing sen- 
tinels, and in taking some repose. 

The house belonging to the Minister was ordered to be saved, 
so as to take him alive to obtain information from him j but as it 
was not known it was not spared any more than the others. He 
was slain and his papers burnt before he could be recognized. 

At daybreak some men were sent to the dwelling of Mr. Coudre 
[Sander], who was Major of the place, and who lived at the other 
side of the river. He was not willing to surrender, and began to 
put himself on the defensive with his servants and some Indians ; 
but as it was resolved not to do him any harm, in consequence of 
the good treatment that the French had formerly experienced at 




his hands, M. d'lberville and the great Mohawk proceeded thither 
alone, promised him quarter for himself, his people, and his pro- 
perty, whereupon he laid down his arms, on parole, entertaining 
them in his fort, and returned with them to see the commandants 
of the town 

In order to occupy the savages, who would otherwise have taken 
to drink and thus rendered themselves unable for defence, the 
houses had already been set on fire. None were spared in the 
town but one house belonging to Coudre, and that of a widow 
who had six children,' whither M. de Montigny had been carried 
when wounded. All the rest were consumed. The lives of be- 
tween fifty and sixty persons, old men, women and children, were 
spared, they having escaped the first fury of the attack. Some 
twenty Mohawks were also spared, in order to show them that it 
was the English and not they against whom the grudge was en- 
tertained. The loss on this occasion in houses, cattle and grain, 
amounts to more than four hundred thousand livres. There were 
upwards of eighty well built and well furnished houses in the 

The return march commenced with thirty prisoners. The 
wounded, who were to be carried, and the plunder, with which 
all the Indians and some Frenchmen were loaded, caused consi- ' 
derable inconvenience. Fifty good horses were brought away. 
Sixteen only of these reached Montreal. The remainder were 
killed for food on the road. 

Sixty leagues from Corlear the Indians began to hunt, and the 
French not being able to wait for them, being short of provisions, 
continued their route, having detached Messieurs d'lbervile and 
Du Chesne with two savages before them to Montreal. On the 
same day, some Frenchmen, who doubtless were very much 
fatigued, lost their way. Fearful that they should b^ obliged to 
keep up with the main body, and believing themselves in safety 
having eighty Indians in their rear, they were found missing from 
the camp. They were waited for next day until eleven o'clock, 
but in vain, and no account has since been received of them. 

Two hours after, forty m^ more left the main body without 
acquainting the commander, continued their route by themselves, 




S ! 


h ill: 

If >', ♦ 





I . t 

and arrived within two leagues of Montreal one day ahead, so that 
there were not more than fifty or sixty men together. The even- 
ing on which they should arrive at Montreal, being extremely fa- 
tigued from fasting and bad roads, the rear fell away from M. de 
Sainte Helene, who was in front with an Indian guide, and wht 
could not find a place suitable for camping nearer than three or 
four leagues of the spot where he expected to halt. He was not 
rejoined by M. de Mantet and the others until far advanced in the 
night. Seven have not been found. Next day on parade, about 
ten o'clock in the forenoon, a soldier arrived who announced 
that they had been attacked by fourteen or fifteen savages, and 
that six had been killed. The party proceeded somewhat afflicted 
at this accident, and arrived at Montreal at 3 o'clock, p. m. 

Such, Madame, is the account of what passed at the taking of 
Corlear. The French lost but twenty-one men, namely four In- 
dians and seventeen Frenchmen. Only one Indian and one French- 
man were killed at the capture of the town. The others were lost 
on the road. 


[From M ortfaf* Book B* la Oonnty Clk's Offloe, Albany.] 


Mbany y^ 9th day of February 16l\ 
Die Sabbathi. 

This morning about 5 o'Glock y« alarm was brought here by 
Symon Schermerhoorn who was«hott threw his Thigh y* y*^ french 
and Indians had murthered y« People of Skinnechtady ; haveing 
got into yB Towne about 11 or 12 a Clock there being no Watch 
Kept (y« Inhabitants being so negligent & Refractory) and yt he 
had much adoe to Escape they being very numerous. They fyred 
•everall times at him at last throw his Thigh and wounded his 
horse and was come over Canatagione* to bring y* news. 

The allarm being given all People Repared to there Post y* 
fort fyred severall gunns to give y" alarm to y" farmers but few 

,,M'. ... . ./ 1 Now, NiskajruBiu . _: _ • _; v: ..•*:■.»;••■ -^ 

C. Bull, 
|Jns. Benr 
Compy to 
come dour 




oeara there being such an Extream Snow above Knee Deep Se- 
Tfrall yo People haveing Escaped y® Cruelty of ye Trench and 
there Indians came Running here & told us y Village was a fyre 
and y* they had mu{j^a,doe,^o Escape for all y^ streets were full 
Qf french and Indies, & y* many People were murthered and y\ 
y? ^eroy were inarching hither which news was Continually Con- 
|)in;iied tiU afternooi;! Letters were sent forthwith to Sopus for y4 
aai^istance of a hundred pien an Expresse sent to Skachkook but 
|)y reason of y^ highwater — deep snow & yse could not Proceed 
notice was given to all y^ farmers of Kinderhook Claverak &*'* of 
y« fiad news, Some horse men sent out to Discover y Enemies 
force and there march but were forced to Return y» snow beiqg 
|o Deep yet some were sent out again who got thither, Laurence 
ye Indian with y« Maquase y* were in Town were sent out also 
to Skinnechtady to Dispatch posts to y« Maquase Castles for all 
yo Indians to mme doune, but unhappily sa^ Indians comeing to 
Skinnechtady w c ov. much amazed to see so many People mur- 
thered and DfciSi ,y i (hat they omitted y* sending up to y« Ma- 
quase Castles according to there Engagement, While y^ Enemv 
yf,2^ at N. Scotia a man came to Ensign Joh : Sander Glen anH 
said he would goe to y^ Maquase Castles and warn y? Maquase to 
come doune who was ordered to goe in all haste but comeing to 
y« Upper Plantation? went for fear along with some of y* oyf 
Inhabitants into y® Woods and never went to y® Maquase Castleet^ 
this night we gott a letter from Skinnechtady Informing us y* thjP 
Enemy y* had done y* MischieflFe there were about one hundred 
|nd fifty or 200 men but that there were 1400 men in all ; One 
army for Albany j^ anoy' for Sopus which hindred much y* 
parching of any force out of y* Citty fearing y* y« enemy might 
watch such an opportunity. . 

The lOth dciy of February. 

Present. P' Schpyler May D. Wessels ReC, J. Bleecker, 
C. Bull, Capt StaetSj Aid. Shaick, Aid Ryckman, Joh. Cuyler, 
^ns. Bennett. 

Resolved y* Capt Jonathan Bull be sent w*'' 5 men out of eac|i 
Compy to Skinnechtady to bury y« dead there & if y" Indians ^ 
come doune to joyn with them & Pursue y" Enemy. 



'■ a 

1 ! 

h i 



Instructions for Capt Jonathan Bull. « 
You are to goe w*"* all Convanient speed with ^ . . . men 
to Skinnechtady & there Bury ye dead which are Killed by ye 
Enemy and give such succor and RelieflFe t| y® Poor People left 
alive at Skinnechtady as y" can, and if there be any considerable 
number of friendly Indians at Skinnechtady y° are w^^* all speed 
to Pursue & follow after the french and Indian Enemy & them 
Spoylc and Destroy what in y" Lyes and use all means Imagi- 
nable to Rescue ye Prisoners which they have Carried along with 

You are to take Especiall Care to have always Spyes and 
Skouts out on both sides of y" Path where y" Marcu y Men and 
to be as Carefull as Possible for ambushes of y** Enemy and to 
Keep y men in good order and Discipline 

,i i,t 



Myndcrt Wemp killd 

Jan van Eps and his Sonne & 2 of his Children kild 

a negroe of dito Van Eps 

Serj* Church of Cap* Bulls Compy 
Barent Jansse Killd and Burnd his Sonne Kild 
And* Arentse Bratt shott and Burnt & also his child" 
Mary Viele wife of Dowe Aukes & her 2 children killd 

and his Negro Woman Francyn 
Mary Alolff Wife of Cornells Viele Jun' Shott 
Sweer Tcunise Shott & burnt his wife kild & burnt v all 
Antje Janz doughter of Jan Spoor kild & burnt / in 
Item 4 Negroes of y* said Sweer Teunise y^ same /[one 

death ...... 

Enos Talmidge Leift of Capt Bull kild & burnt 
Hend Meese Vrooman & Bartholomeus Vrooman 

kild & burnt ... 



9»'« DA^ 


John Wei 

Symon, A 

all 6 SOI 

Jan Baptis 

Albert & J 

Isaack Cor 

a negroe oi 

Amout ye 


Item 2 Negroes of Hend Meese y« same death 
Gerrit Marcellis and his Wife & childe kild * 

Rob* Alexander sould' of Capt Bulls Shott , 

Rob* hesseling shott 

Sander y^ Sonne of gysbert gerritse kild & burnt 
Jan Roeloffse de goyer burnt in y« house 
Ralph grant a souldier in y^ fort shott 
David Christoffelse & his wife yr*^ 4 Children all 

burnt in there house 

Joris Aertse shott and burnt W™ Fieterse kild 

Job: Potman kild his wife kild & her skalp taken off 

Dome Petrus Tassemaker y« Minister kild & burnt 

in his house . . .... 

Frans harmense kild 

Engel the wife of Adam Yroman shot & burnt her 

childe the brdns tlashed out against y« wall 
Reynier Schaets and his sonne kild 
Daniel Andries & George 2 souldiers of Capt Bull 
a french girl Prisoner among y° Mohogs kild 

A Maquase Indian kild 

Johannes ye Sonne of Symon Skermerhoorn >» v 
3 Negroes of Symon Skermerhoorn 

> rt: ■■■}■ 

In all 







9th Dj^y OF FEBRUARY 16 |l 

Johannes Teller and his negroe \ . . . . 2 

John Wemp sonne of Mynd* Wemp & 2 negroes 3 
Symon, Abraham, Phillip, Dirck & Claes Groot 

all 5 sonnes of Symon Groot 5 

Jan Baptist sonne of Jan Van Epps .... 1 

Albert & Johannes Yedder sonnes of harme Vedder . 2 

Isaack Cornelise Switts & his Eldest sonne ... 2 

a negroe of Barent Janse 1 

Amout y* sonne of Arnout Corn : Viele y' Interp' . 1 


, i 


^tf^iS^ i\ 






i i 


I :■ I 

f5 » 




Stephen y« sonne of Gysbcrt Gerritse 
Lawrence sonne of Claes Lawrence Purmurent 
Amout Sonne of Paulyn Janse 
Barent y* sonne of Adam Vroman & y« neger 
Claes sonne of Frans H^rmense 
Stephen adopted sonne of Geertje Bouts 
John Webb a souldier Belonging to Capt Bull 
David Burt belonging to y« same Comp« 
Joseph Marks of y" same Comp® . 

In all 







After they were gott into y^ Toune without being discovered 

(no watch or guard being kept, notwithstanding several gent" of 

Albany no longer then 3 days before were up there to Perswade 

yn to it) The french & y" Indians besett each house and after 

they had murthered y^ People they burnt all y^ houses and barns 

Cattle &ca Except 6 @ 6 : which were saved by Gap* Sander to 

whom they were kinde as they had Particular orders so to be by 

reason of y^ many kindnesse shewne by his wife to y' french 

Prisoners. • 

Albany y* 22 day qffebruary 16|f . 

Symon Van Ness and Andries Barents who went out y« first 

^th ye Maquaese returning told ; they had Pursued y« Enemy to 

y« great Lake & would have overtaken them had they not been 

spyed by some of y^ Enemy Indians that went out to looke for 2 

Negroe boys, y* were Runn away from them, & y* y« Indians & 

Christians were all Tyred when they came to y* Croune Point 

neer y« Lake j some went further till they came to where y» Ise 

was Smoth ; where the french had with horses that they carried 

from Skinnechtady & Skeets and Yse Spurrs, made all the way 

they could over y" Lake in so much that our People could gain 

nothing upon them $ whereas at first they went 2 of there days 

journeys in one ; neverthelesse Laurence y* Maquase and about 

140 Mohoggs & River Indians are gone in Pursuite of them, & 

will follow them quite to Qanida. 

AM) mmn^a of schenictadf. 



To our great grfefe I „,„,, ^^^^^ ;• '«» to-^s-l .« ,o„ Wiuu... 
rable massacre which happened at !t.7^ f ' ™'' '»'' ^'P'o- 
french and their WiansX /a.:*;^""''''^'" ^"'-y by the 
-I»y & Sunday at eleaven of Z dJC^J ^ '''"'«' S""™- 
^on then, & „„,. barbaron */„ ted ."*" '"" ■»» <•"' 
» children 4 bnmed the place Teft W . ""^ '"" ""» *°»«' 
«|r„ed away captive 27 the res l,! .* " * '""'«» -"burned 
about 26 persons much damnmedTv^h T"^."' *"«'' "''"B 
cbyld npt up, children alive Zwn^.^"'"' """"^ ^th 
b«.* dashed ag. the doo^VwinT ,■" """■''' «""«*«, 

■»?lecl of their not watchL 7 ^ *" "^'oned by the r 
■^i of .l..Con,n,is«w"|j2""/ I" """^ "■"" "■« ^" 
-■y spared withai. which^wrhi:': 'V""""'™''" ■«'"« 
" '■"bouse & he himselfe torele^thel ^ ^^'^'' "^'"^ »« 
Nov'ber a certain, nuniber of ^Mi^rT" ''"'""''' '«« 
•ke-nselve, the convention & ruKnJt .? t' "* ^^^"^ ""»S 
arEdmond & encouraged & ^oLi ^k'''''''"''^ ^""'^-on of 
creature, „f Sir EdmTnd, i^T2 ^' '""' "' «« ^'^M 
g"-.« ammunition &mo„evbeW./^^ "' "''"""'«« of men 
-e bave sent 62 men 6orn,295Z "'f ''^»"'' "> -"o- 
«"ynng there ag. their eine.,!.? P"""""' boulits etc wch 

were,e«thereb?.heTn C.°;;sirr';i'r''"^'™*- * 

Wmter & commissioned one Capf with S' ^7 ''"' "P "'" 
confederate Indians to warre JaJf ^ "'""° •'°'"« «'b our 
b.»dred by the ,- rebells, whlrltTd '* '''"''*'' "'"• "«« 
P»»»hed for rebell, if thjy mett °bt " "'"'° J""'"^ »^ ''«»g 
prevented to goe, we wouW et haJe ^ "" ^ "^^ ^»' 
prevented that disaster ' ''"™"«'' »be enemy & 

fit'' ( 



fort William March 4tli 168!> 
Honorable Sir Governor of Boston: 

Yours of the 8'*" instant by M«" Pembroke I received & I re- 
turne yow many thanks for the care I perceive yow have had for 
our packet, Since your last wee have received the sad & misera- 
ble newes from Skenectedy neere Albany whereof wee understand 
is laid to your woeful account it is such newes as wee feared 
long since, Alace what could there be expected of a certaine 
number of rebellious people that remained rulling under that 
arbitrary Commissions of sir Edmund at Albany within this pro- 
vince, and encouraged and supported by Connecticoatt by order- 
ing their forces sent thither to observe the directions of the s*' 
rebells named a Conventione, being well assured the same is sup- 
ported more especially by that waylerous John Allan the Secre- 
tary of that CoUony. „,„ 

■■^< • . 



[Lond. Doc. VII.] 

May it please your Lordship — ^The foregoing being sent via 
Boston p"^ the agents for New England which we hope are safely 
arrived ere this date, we take ieave to add, that [to] a certain village 
named Schanectede 24 miles to the northward of Albany on 
Saturday the 9'^ of Febr. last about 11 a clock at night, came 
200 French and Indians near 100 each and attacqued the same 
whilst it snowed thick, barbarously destroying the Inhabitants all 
being dutch ; they murthered 60 persons, and bore away with 
them 27 prisoners, wounding some others so that there remain 
but about one sixth part of them having their cattel, goods and 
provisions destroyed and arrested from them, the remnant shel- 
tering themselves at Albany, where is provision made for them 
from New Yorke. Being alarmed by the daily expectations of the 
French and Indians advancing towards us with a considerable 
number of 2500 french besides their Indians at Mont-Real, ende- 
vouring to obtaine upon the allyed Indians with us, viz* The 


Macquaes, Oneydauns Onnn ^ ^ ^^ 

Pe«o„s .0 „ee. .ie« at A^bZ iX^r' T '"' W"""" 
™y to ,„,e„ep, the Ennemie, larl T. °.r™" ""' >«»« 
S':"'»='P"ofeoftheirfidemvIT '■ ^'^"'i''-" having 

-^ayng twenty five of them whX~d T" """"'' """8 '""I 
"> rayse n,„,e than ,000 „ J^^ Zf ' ' "'"' '"^ P'™"e 
"t'oi we have „eare raysed VT? " •"'^"' **"■ <«> of our, 

"■ef abom 60. ihat „po„ Z eLZ ""'' ^''"^™» » "um- 

[orhfied, .0 the hest of our powe a!^ . ^"""^ ""<"' "« iave 
13 canon, 10 Barrel!, of powfe » .T""'"'' *' <•<»* having 
other habiliments; the tlTn!"!"'!^'^"' '" g«"»on with 
'«ast worts within, but warHa n'^n '"^ """"' «"" -Wng 

and Indians before your ipaCfyf *T''r^ "-y ^ French 
tened their motion at WhiiehaM ^''"' ^««'- -"ight y more 
» r«br las. a Comp, of 250 F^ era":; ff ■»'"'• "^ r 9-' 
place when they were all =.1 i "" ^"**»' 'ame upon v. 
MM and ed 60 m n w ^ t] 'IZ'^'"'' =* -SHaid 
and boys prisoners and burntTCwn "''"' '^"J"' ^^men 

-' -«d by Cap.. Sander, ^hm.he?^':!' "^"—hich 
«presse command to meddl. iT ^ *'' ""' '""^h. having 
;f = sake, Who had Zl^^^^^Zl ."' V""""^ '"' ^^ 
The people of .ha. Towne w„ t '" ^ ^™'^h prisoners 
-°"M no. obey any JrZlT^'''"'''' '" ^^^^'^ *at h t 
'»i» r aouldiers se/t thifhef C c™ f" ^''"' "-^^ »'- 
»" sen. from Ley„„ wo„IdY.h^: C" "' °" '' """""^ h«. ' 

,' f 



i I if 







Thus had Leyslcr perpcrted y* poor people by his seditious let- 
ters now founde all bloody upon Skinnechtady streets, with the 
notions of a free trade, boalting &c. and thus they are destroyed ; 
they would not watch, and where Capt. Sander commanded, there 
they threatened to burn him upon y« fire, if he came upon the 
garde. We were much alarm'i at Albany ; we sent y« Maquase 
yt were at hand out, and to y* Maquase Castles ; but y« Mes- 
senger being so timorous did not proceed ; so y* it was 3 days 
before we could get y« Maquase downe to pursue them, who being 
joyned with our men, foUow'd them to the Great Lake, where y" 
Yse being good and y« French haveing robb*d sundrey horses, put 
ther plunder upon sleds and so over y« Lake ; however y« Indians 
pursued and gott 10, and afterwards 5, and killed 3. Who being 
examined relate, y* y* French design to attacke Albany early in 
y« Spring, haveing 120 batoes 100 birch canoes and 12 light 
raorter peeces and severall other engines ready, and are to come 

with 1500 men Poor Sharpe islame 

being wounded with a great gunn y* split when ye alarm came 
[to Albany] of Skinnechtady. ^ 



[From Vol. endOnMl, Letters in LeUIers tioie &c.] 

\ Ao 1690 ! 17 May in fort William. 

Honorable Sir — ^The French of Cannada with their Indianes 
committed six bloody masacres in this province three, & in New 
England three, they have destroyed Skanectady a vilage 20 milles 
fromk Albany, murdered sixty three men women and children, 
carried captive 27: &. have committed the greatest tyranny ima- 
ginable, rypt up women with chyld throwed children alive into 
the flame, dasht others ag* door post till their brains stuck to it, 
another murder of eleaven people, and one or two committed 
since last fall, we send fifty men up to guard that place, but a 
certaioe number of people there maintaining the comissions from 
Sir Edmond Andross & Coll. Dongan deryving from the authority 
of the lale King James would not accept them there, but keept the 

fort by virtue of the sJ r„™-.- • . "' 

««lesne, that too „„f„rt„„„""irKT*"y cowai«« ,„j 
kapened there, the rive"ber. f t '"~»""* ""W^t he, 

•«■' "P the winter, tbe"^, ?, T" *" "<* '''"«« -^mZ 

-ko kept g,.rd in'the (^yl^e' .LT' '-"'''"' ""' """''"' 
•>«' of 200 „ea) had advi« ,h. f ]*' '"""* * '"-"m (i« «■„. 
» altered ,h, de,ig„e, r.ha?„|l '"""."""'"""'e". there * 
»"' Indiana pnraued then, hi d Itof r,*"' •*»' "'™"" 'P*-** 
" "cconnt of several! troor„„, f ^""''"'" »•■» g»Ve „, 
«00 fr«,eh heaidea thet^^l:" " *'«°' '" "" '^^ -ith 

[Lond. Doc. vii.j 

M>y it Please^^your Excellency, » «.„ ,«h^ 

^^e your Excel]."., dewrl!^''"//'"' '"•"'"' *"« againe 
Eastward of Boston, hale ","0 bf 7^'' '""" ""P'' 'o I 
people and toote 28 U™ ^en^'r^^ Scheneghtade killed 60 
Indians and 50 yo„„g „,/„^™ '"^/;y« P^oners : About 160 
tooke them upon the lake Mltd^ ""''''' "■' F-'ench over- 
"Wch the I„di,„, have killed 1 .h""" ""f •°°'^' '« ^''"'^Z 
^-e killed eight or ,e„ pe t X::;"- • *« f^nch India"' 
tie whole country i„ a„ alarm and^r ^^T,"' "'"''' ""a^ "ade 
t'ons. Most of theAlbany Wood 1 P^'P'"'"™ "-eir planta- 
Sohuyler went with ei^htr !,"' ""'*''-Yo*e. Aren, 
' f^chman X.T "''"" "* *'*-'"^. ^"'ed 2 and fol ' 

* ; ll'Ond. Doc. VII.] ' 

Honbie Sir,-We of Albany stoo^ ♦ \. ^'^ ''""«• '«^- 


I ■: if 

11 ' J i 

'I I 



vention of Albany to procure assistance from the neighbouring 
colonieS) Leisler sends up one Jacob Milborne) formerly a servant 
to a man in Hartford) but now a fitt tool for his turn with 160 
men, who gott the fort surrendered to him, after I had maintained 
the garrison, and all publick charge to the 12ti> of March, turn'd 
out all the Souldiers but 12 or 13, which they tooke in again, and 
so kept there for some weeks- This Jacob Millborne, John de 
Bruine and Johannes Provoost, under the dominion of New- York , 
commiss'^ spending their time with drinking and quaffing, while 
the French Indians comes and cutts off the people at Canastagione 
and above Synectady,*and never one of them catcht. We have 
all Leisler's seditious letters secured which was the occasion of 
the destruction of Synechtady, miraculously found in the streets, 
all embrued w*'' blood the morning after massacre was committed, 
so that we want nothing but a Govern' to call him to account. 



^^yil LIST 


Pmimt of 3^m-fmk, mi 



P-ond. Doc. IX.} 

Matthew CJarkson Esqr Secry «i]. 'a..' ' J 

pen and ink pr annL '"'''' '^"^ ^°' ^^P^r / ,, 

CWdley Brook Esqr Collr ^nd R • ' * • 1 ^° ^ ^0 
ann. ^00— *3o «* , Receiver Gen" pr , 

^^° Sterl pr cent advance . ^ ^ 2f.O 00 00 

Tred. Phillips '^^'^ 1^«<^^ 

Steph Courtlandt ) S^?; ^"^"''' 

Nich Bayard / ^*"" ^inhorne 

Will. Smith (p ^*eter Schuyler 

Gab: Monveille /^^^qrs. John Lawrence 

Chid. Brook l John Youngs 

W»NicolIs I ^aleb Heathcote 






its »■.!.- ^ 

Jiii ft-: i 


r ■ ; ' i 

James Grayham, Esq' Attorney Gen'^ 

David Jamison Clerk of the Council), allowed per 

annum 50 00 00 

Dan. Honan Accomptant-Gen" p' ann: . . 60 00 00 
Jarvis Marshall Doorkeeper and Messenger of y« 

Councill 30 00 00 

Justices of the Supream Court of Judicature haveing the 

power of Kings Bench, Comdn Pleas and Exchequer. 

William Smith Esq Chiefe Justice per 

Allowed for V annum 130 00 00 

"ir^ft. ° 5 William Pinhorne, Esq. 2^ Justice per 

' annum, 100 00 00 

Steph Courtlan^^ ^ ^. ... ^ 

Chid. Brooke Esq'" Justices .. m v 

John Lawrence 

The Secretary is Clerk of this Court. 

Cttstome House Officers. 
Rob^ Livingston Sub Collector att Albany per annum JS50 00 00 
W«n Shaw, Gauger att Albany p' anfi: . . . 8 00 00 
Tho" Munsey Surveyor att New- York p' ann . . 40 GO 00 

James Evetts Waiter 30 GO 00 

Emmanuel Young waiter 30 00 00 

The Guager at NewYork paid by y« cask 
Allowed to Godfredus Dellius for teaching and con- 
verting the Indians p' ann . . . . 60 00 00 
To the Interpretess Helene to interprete for y« Five 

Nations p' annum 20 00 00 

Allowed for their Mat'^* Barge one Coxwain p' ann: 

and eight oars att 50« each, £20 . . . 30 00 00 

Allowed to a printer p^* ann . . . . 40 00 00 

Clerk of the Assembly allowed 12« p«" dieia dureing y" 

Door Keeper and Messenger 4* p' diem dureing y» ' ,, ./; 


Allowed the Hon<>i« N. Blditbwayte 5 pf cent out th«r 

Revenue as Auditor Generall -' — 

V £l1d8 OO 00 

, ■» ■ 



Abraham Depeyster Esq. Mayor & ClJZ' ^ 
■ James Graham Esqr Recorder ^' ^''"^** 

The Aldermen, CoLtor A ^^ 
,.^^ , ollecto,., Assessors and Constables are elcc- 

i^ter Schuyler Esq Mayor 
^rcfc WessellsEsq Recorder ' 

"■* any two of the three nerttr ^'f'"'' » '» "» »«»'erf 
■"" Mayo, »„ Aide™";! j! irf?"'' "^ *« P-«. 

Albany. """" '" ««« Cittys of N. York & 

,^"^»»e County Of S'tf^'^'^T ^ 

Aldermen in the^QuarfefreLl^^^^^ ^'^ ''^''"' ^--'^^ -d 

Eghbert Theunisse n v . t_ « 

KHan van Ranslaer ^ J^ichofes Ri,p. 

Martin Gerritse f^r' ^^"*^«'» Glenn , 

Dirck Theunisse ) n^^^' Vosbrougb 

^ Gerryt Theunisse 

Caleb H..K ff'^^'^'^'^^^^^'C^n^ 
^aJeb Heathcote Esqr Judge of th^ n « 

Joseph Theale % ^ , Common Pfcas. 

William Barnes U.r, tr^^** " 

Daniel Strange ) John Hunt 

^ / . WmChadderton 

Benjan^in Collier Es,r She,^' "^^^^^^'^ 

C„„ .^P^^'^ C^^rf^ of the County 
Collectors Assessors and Constabl^elective " 





y :: 



Justices in the County of Richmond 

Ellis Duxbury Esq' Judge of the Coin6n Pleas 
Abraham Cannor \ 
Abraham Lakeman f 
Dennis Theunisse ^ ^^ 
John Shadwell ) 

John Stilwell Esq" SherriflF 

Justices in the County of Ulster 

Thomas Garton Esq' Judge of the Comdn Fleas 
Henry Beeckman 
Dirck Shepmers 
Wessell Tenbrook 
Abraham Haasbrough 
Nicholas Antonio Esq' Sherrifife 



■;■»'■.-.- ■;■: 

Justices in Suffolk County 

Isaac Arnold Esq' Judge of y* Comdn Pleas. 

John Howell 
Samuell Mulford "^ 
Richd Smith 

William Barker >Esq'" 

Matthew Howell ' ''*• 

i Ebenetus Piatt 

Tomas Mapes / • ; 

Josiah Hobbart Esq' Sherriffe 

Justices 'n Queens County 

Thomas Hix Esq' Judge of the Common Pleas 
Richard Cornwall 
Ellias Doughty 
Dan. Whitehead ^Esq' 

John Smith 
Tho. Stevensant 
John Harrison Esq' Sherriffe 
Andrew Gibb Gierke 



'i •':■ 


Justices in the Kings County 

Stephen Courtlandt Judge of y^ Common Pleas 

Roeloffe Martinse v Dirk Huyle v 

Nicholas Stillwell \ v n ^^^^ Theunisse / 

Joseph Hogeman i ^ Peter Cortiliau l ^^ 

Henry Filkin ) StoflFell Probasco ) 

Gerryt Strycker Esqr SherrifiF. 

Dukes County consisting of Nantuckett and Martins Vineyard 
claimed by S' William Phipps, the case of Martins Vineyard laid 
before their Ma'ties. 

Orange County not above twenty families, for the present under 
the the care of New York 

Dutchess County haveing very few inhabitants committed to 
the care of the county of Ulster 

Surveyors of Highways, Collectors, Assessors and Constables, 
are elective throughout the whole Province 

Jin Account of all Establishm** of Jurisdictions within this 


Single Justice — Every Justice of the Peace hath power to 
determine any suite or controversy to the value of forty 

Quarter Sessions — The Justices of the Peace in Quarter Sessions 
have all such powers and authorities as are granted in a 
Commission of y« Peace in England r 

County Court — ^The County Court or Common Pleas hath cogni- 
zance of civil Acc6ns to any value, excepting what concerns 
title of land, and noe Accon can be removed from this court 
if the damage be under twenty pounds. 

Mayor and Aldermen^The Court of Mayor and Aldermen hath 
the same power with the County Courts. 

Supreme Court — The Supreme Court hath the powers of Kings 
Bench, Common Pleas & Exchequer in England, & noe 
accon can be removed from this court if under JCIOO. 

Chancery. — ^The Governour and Councill are a court of Chancery 
and have the powers of the Chancery in England, from whose 
sentence or decree nothing can be removed under JE300 , 



■ -i 

"i : 

i ; 

.' 1 










Prerogative Court. — The Govemour discharges the place of Or- 
dinary in granting Administrac6ns and proveing Wills &c. 
The Secretary is Register. The Govern' is about to appoint 
Delegates in the remoter parts of the Government, -with 
Supervisors for looking after intestates estates & provideing 
for orphans 

Court Marshall — ^The Govern' hath established a Court Martiall 
att Albany whereof Major IUch<i Ingoldesby is President & 
Robert Livingston Judge Advocate who with the other 
cdmissionated Captains att Albany have power to exercise 
Martiall Law, being a 'rontear Garrison and in actuall warr. 

.^(Imtra% —Their Majesties reserve the appointment of a Judge, 

Register, and Marshall 

M. Clarkson Secry. 





[Load. Doc. IX.] 

Tlie Millitia of the Citty and County of New Yorke & 
Orange, commanded by Coll: Abraham Depeyster, being 
Eight Companys of foot, and one Troop of Horse, consist- 
ing of 

The Millitia of Queens County in y* Island of Nassaw, 
commanded by by Coll. Thomas Willett being nine Companys 
Foot, and one Troop of Horse consisting of 

The Millitia of SufFolke County in the Island of Nassaw 
commanded by Coll : John Young being nine companys of 
Foot, consisting of 

The Millitia of Kings County in y* Island of Nassaw, 
commanded by Coll: Stephanus Van Cortland, being six Com- 
panys of Foot and one Troop of Horse, consisting of 

The Millitia of the county of Albany com&nded by Major 
Peter Schuyler being five companys of Foot and one Troop 
of Horse, now formed into Dragoons by the Govern*, con- 
sisting of 








The Millitia of Ulster and Dutchess Countys comdnded by 
Lieut Coll. Beeckman being four Companys of Foot and one 
Troop of Horse now made Dragoons, consisting of - 277 

The Millitia of the County of Westchester, com&nded by 
Coll. Caleb Heathcott, being six Companys of Foot, con- 
sisting of -> 283 

The Millitia of the County of Richmond commanded by 
Capt Andrew Cannon being two Companys of Foot, con- 
sisting of .-..-.-- 104 

In all - 2932 
Ben. Fletcher 

i ;f 

■-'.II I 

» 1 



Count k /rontmat»0 (gijieMllDii 



A u 

I l! ' ; t 



iv. .. 



i i 


[Council Min. YII.] 

At a Council held at his Ma'^^ ffort in New Yorke the 9t>> of 
July 1696. 

Present His Excellency Benjamin Fletcher &c 

ffred Philips ^ Gab Monvielle ^ 

Steph. Cortlandt > Esq" Peter Schuyler V Esq" 

Nich : Bayard j John Lawrence 3 

His Excel! : did Communicate intelligence from Albany with 
the examination of a ffrench prisoner wherein appears there is 
great preparacdn in Canida and a resolution of the Govern' of 
Canida to reduce the five Nations this summer that all the men 
between fifteen & fifty in Canida are ordered to be in readine^se 
and that all the ffrench Indians & Ottaw;awaes are together & that 
they are to joyn the Dawaganhaes 

• His Excell. offered his opinion to march up 400 men to the 
Castle of Onondage to encourage and confirme the Indians. 

The Council do approve thereof, but affirm the impossibility 
for want of money which is not to be had our neighbours having 
denyed assistance tthe Revenue lessened much by the decay of 
trade and great backwardnesse in brmging in the taxes 

At a Council held at his M^^7^ ffort in New Yorke the 27t»> of 
July 1696. 

Present His Excellency Benjamin Fletcher &c. 

ffred Phillips ) John Lawrence }v» 

;■ • Steph: Cortlandt > Esq" Caleb Heathcote J ^ 

Gab Monvielle j 
His Excell : did communicate a letter from Mr. AUyn of Con- 
necticutt giving account of two ffrench men taken prisoners neere 






the heads of their rivers and that they report there is 1000 ffrench 
& 2000 Indians marched against the five Nations. 

Also a lettt r from Coll. Ingoldesby with a belt from Onondage 
bringing intelligence of a great body of ffrench &. Indians on this 
fide Mount Reall on their march towards them 12 dayes aggo. 

His Excell : desired the advice of the Council what is to be done 
offering his readynesse to march immediately to the frontiers in 
person and his opinion it were convenient to march up men for 
the frontiers that a body may be spared to go to Onondage to cover 
them and show our zeal for their preservacon which will give 
*ihem encouragement. 

It is the opinion of the Council that there being no assistance ^ 
of men from the neighbouring Colonies and a small summe of 
money sent from Virginia and Maryland to assist in the many 
great charges this Pro vi; ice is put to upon the alarms of the enemy 
it being harvest time and many of the South of the Province 
already listed to recruit the Companyes it will be very grievous 
to take the people from their labour and hardly possible there is 
likewise no money to answer the charge thereof Do therefore 
advise that a letter be wrote to the Indians to give them encou- 
ngement and to acquaint them the King of England has sent them 
some presents & desire them to be watchfull. 

At a Council held at his Ma^r* ffort in New Yorke the 31** day 
of July 1696. 

Present his Excell: Benjamin Fletcher etc -> ' ^ uaAj 
fired Philips 1 

Steph: Cortlandt C Esq" Gab: ^onvielle > Eg-,, 

Nich Bayard 3 Caleb Heathcote > 

His Excell: did communicate to the Council intelligence from - 
the frontiers that the enemy are upon their march that the Indians 
of the five Nations have sent to call for assistance of Christian 
force and did expresse his readynesse to go to Albany 

His Excell: did desire their opinion what is to be done being 
there's no money in the Coffers 

It is the opinion of the Council that there may be men found 
upon the frontiers that upon encouragement will march to the 





Indian Country if there were a fund to answer the charge thereof 

Hi8 Excell. did declare his readynesse to go provided they will 
finde money to answer the necessary charge thereof 

Coll. Cortlandt profcrred his personall credit for j£2(H) towardf 
the expedicon 

CoU Bayard offers the same ffred Philips offers the same L* 
Coll. Monvielle the same Coll Heathcote the same 

His Excell: did recommend to them to procure the creditt each 
for je200 forthwith. 


INDIANS. 1696. 

.■p,i i 

[Paris Doc. V.] 

The Count is already advised, by despatches at the departure 
of last year's ships, of the preparations for a considerable expe- 
dition against the Iroquois and principally ngainst the Onnonta- 
gues which is the chief nation, where the councils of the other five 
are held, the most devoted to the English, and the most strenu- 
ously opposed to the negociations for peace of preceding years. 
It became of importance to crush them, and it appeared to many 
more advantageous to do so during winter inasmuch as it was cer- 
tain, said they, to find in the Village at least all the women and 
children who being destroyed or captured would draw down ruin 
on the warriors or oblige them to surrender to us. 

The necessary preparations for this expedition were begun last 
autumn, but the large amount of snow produced a change of de- 
sign, the rather as it was impossible to transport the Militia {ha- 
hitans) from the south shore and the Island of Orleans to the 
government of Quebec, the river having been absolutely impassa- 
ble from the sailing of the vessels to the commencement of this 

This it was that caused the adoption of the resolution to proceed 
by the Mohawk country with whatever troops could be collected 
capable of travelling on the snow with the militia of Three Rivers 
and Montreal and Indians, which had always been the plan of 










Monsieur the Count de Fronlenac who the difficulty of 
executing; the other project during winter. Bui ihis iltsigu als.' 
aborted, because we were informed that a Mohawk prisontr wlio 
escaped from us, had communicated our intention, and (hat this 
Nation, united witli the English of Orange, awaited us with reso- 
lute determination, which, however, would not have prevente*! us 
going in quest of them had the continuance of the season perm ii ted 
a large body to make so long a march and to cany munitions and 
the supplies necessary for subsisting there. 

The intelligence which we stated that M. le Comte de Fronle- 
nac received from the Ottawas obliged us to interrupt what we 
had commenced of the preparations for the OnnontaguS voyage. 
Every thing was put in order during his short stay at Montreal , 
He departed for la Chine where the army arrived on the 4''> July ; 
ten Ottawa savages arrived there the same day, and coming from 
the vicmity of the Onnontagues they roved a long time around the 
village without having been able to make any prisoners, and find- 
ing themselves pursued . by a considerable party, took refuge in 
fort Frontenac. They thanked Moniieur le Comte for not having 
deceived them, and fur having saved their lives by furnishing 
them at that fort with something to eat and, particularly, to 

On the information given them by Sieur Dejordis, a Calvinist 
Captain, who commanded that fort, of the march of M. le Comte, 
they said they were going to meet him, and that they expected to 
accompany him. 

Provisions having been furnished to the Indians, the whole 
army proceeded to encamp on the 6''' at Isle Pcrrot. Next day 
it was ranged in the order of battle, which it was intended should 
be observed during the entire march. 

The savages, to the number of 500, were so divided that the 
greater portion were always in the van which was composed of 
\wo battalions of troops consisting each of two hundred men. 
T»\ey were followed by several detached batteaux of militia, bear- 
ing supplies and the bagage of M. le Comte, Messrs de Calli6r6s, 
deVkXudreuil, and de Ramezay. ^t^ 



I (lay 

Id of 



Monsieur de CalUires commanded the vanguard, haring two 
large batteaux on board which were two brass pieces roountedj 
also mortars for grenades, fire works and other necessary ammu- 
nition, with the Commissary of Artillery. 

Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac followed the vanguard 8ur> 
rounded by the canois of his Staff, Sieur Levasseur, Engineer, 
and several volunteers. The four battalions of militia, stronger 
than those of the soldiers, composed the main body. Monsieur 
de Kamezay, Governor of Three Rivers, commanded the entire 
militia. The rearguard, commanded by Monsieur de Vaudreuil| 
consisted only of two battalions of troops and the remainder of the 
savages who brought up the rear. 

Sieurs de la Duiantaye, de May, de Grays et Dumesnil veteran 
captains commanded the four battalions of troops; sieur de Suber- 
caze acted as Major General and there was an adjutant {^ide 
Major) to each battalion of troops and militia ; sieur de Saint 
Martin, a Calvinist captain, commanded the Quebec battalion ; 
sieur de Grandville, Lieutenant, that of Beaupr^; sieur le Grandpr^, 
Major of Three Rivers, was at the head of the militia of that 
government, and sieur Deschambaux, King's attorney at Montreal, 
commanded the battalion of that place. No officers remained in 
the country except those whom infirmity prevented undertaking 
such a voyage ; and with difficulty were any found for the requi- 
site garrisons. 

Sieur de Maricourt, Captain, led the savages of the Sault and 
the Abenakis who formed one corps ; sieur Gardeur de Beauvaire, 
Lieutenant of those of the Mountain and of the Lorette HuronSj 
and sieur de Beaucourt also Lieutenant, commanded the Algon- 
quins, Socoquois, Nipissirmens, and the few there were of OttawaS} 
who constituted another corps. < ^ 

The order of battle was not deranged during the march, and 
the troops which formed the van on one day, retired on the mor- 
row to the rear. As there were neaily thirty leagues of Rapids 
to be pas>e(l, the mai ch was very tedious ; it is, therefore, incon- 
cci\able wh-ji difficulty was encountered in making the portages, 
being obliged often several times in one day to discharge from 
the batteaux the greater part of the freight. 

i .1 



i , 


i • 



1.0 ': 

COUNT vaawmmAOfB expkdixiiom 

I ( 

Those ivho hww no knowledge of the country, cannot under- 
stand what we call Cascades and Saults. Falls from seven to 
eight feet high are often met, and there fifty men find difficulty 
enough in dragging a batteau, and in places less troublesome they 
are under the necessity of getting into the water up to, and some- 
times beyond the waist, it being impossible to stem the current 
even with th^i lightest canoes by aid of poles and paddles. 

A pact of the army encamped, on the day of departure, above 
the chute called Le Buisson ; the rest followed in file next day 
and the rain obliged them to bivouac there. 

On the 9ti> the Cedars rapid was passed ; on the W^ the army 
divided in two to ascend that of Coteau du lac, a part to the north 
and a part to the south. The same thing was repeated next 
morning, and a junction was re-formed at the entrance of Lake 
St. Francis, which is over seven leagues long, and which was 
passed under sail and in full battle array. 

Our Indian scouts reported at night that they had seen some 
ascending and descending trails. A detachment of savages and a 
few Frenchmen was fo-med to march some leagues ahead of the 
main body and to prevent ambuscades. - , 

On the 12^'' before decamping, nine Abenakis joined Monsiew 
le Comte de Frontenac. Messieurs I'Intendant and the King's 
lieutenant at Quebec remarked in their letters that these savages 
said that they had learned that the English intended coming to 
Quebec. These false reports, which are but too prevalent in 
these parts, did not interrupt the continuance of the march, and 
the camp w^t formed at the foot of the Long Sault. 

However long and difficult, it was all passed on the ISti". On 
the li*** they came to the foot of the Rapide Plat. Sieur de 
Mantesh, Lieutenant, was detached with fifty Frenchmen and 
savages to make the necessary discoveries. j • * ' ■ 

On the W^ they arrived at the rapid des Galets; the IC**" after 
having repaired several batteaux, they could not make any more 
than three leagues beyond the place called la Galette where the 
bad navigation terminated. 

At those places where portages were required to be made, seve- 
ral detachments marched on land to cover those who drew (the 
batteaux.) On the IV^ the rain prevented a long march. 




On the 18ti> they preceded to within 4 leagues of the fort 
[Frontenac]. They made more than twelve leagues that day, and 
arrived there the next day, noon j so that of 70 leagues, the dis- 
tance from Montreal to this fort, they were only four days passing 
through the smooth water, crossing Lake St. Francis included, 
uid thirty ascending the Rapids which do not comprise half the 


• • » t • . « • 

On the 26*'> they took their departure, and encamped at Deer 
island, {lie aux ckevreuilsy) the scouts marching continually ahead 
of the army. Sieur du Luth, captain, was left in the fort as com- 
mandant with a garrison of 40 men and masons and carpenters 
necessary for the buildings which he was recommended to hasten. 
There remained only 26 sic in the fort, most of whom were 
wounded in the legs ascending the rapids. 

On the 27*'' they got to within three leagues of RivUre de la 
Famine [Black River I, and on the 28*^ at the mouth of that of 
Onnontagu^, our scouts reported having seen the trails of nine 
men. ■ ^^' ' -■'•/.->«- :v-i--->'---/"h ,-;,., ^,.. .. . .- :.. .<., xw, ,„-..> 

29*^. As this river is extremely narrow, 60 f.couts were de- 
tached on each side, and the army proceedf^d only according to 
their reports. Some had seen the trails of tnirty to forty men, 
and the others a canoe which had been only recently abandoned. 
But two leagues could be made this day, and three the next. 
M. le Comte and M. de Vaudreuil with the troops and a 
battalion of militia occupied the northern, and Messrs. de Caih^res 
and de Ramezay with the remainder passed on the southern side. 
It would be useless to attempt describing the rapids of this river j 
the difficulties could not be understood, since by marching from 
mornirg until night five leagues only could be made in two days. 

30th. The portage of all the batteaux, canoes and baggage 
commenced, it being impossible to pass the F. lis otherwise. M. 
le Comte de Frontenac, who expected to pass on foot like the 
others, was borne in his canoe by fifty savages singing and uttering 
yells of joy. The battalions who could not make this Carrying 
place passed it the day following;. Four leagues were travelled, 
the road beins better. 



Si i 
■ 1 




On the first of August, half the army was detached beyonrl the 
river which goes to Oneida {Onngoust)^ and made more than 
five leagues in roads up to the knee. M. de Vaudieuil Hnd the 
majority of the officers were at their head. This precaution was 
the more nectssary as at a place cnlle^d Le RigolSf the river is not 
more than half a pistol shot wide, to the mouth of Lake Ganenta. • 
Nothing was met during this day's march except the description 
of our army drawn on bark, after the manner of the Savages, and 
two bundles of cut rushes which signified that 1434 men accom- 
panied us. We passed the Lake in the order of battle Monsieur 
de Calli^res who commanded that day on the left, that being the 
side of the enemy, made a large circuit under pretence of debark- 
ing on that side, whilst M. de Vaudreuil with the right wing 
hugged the shore to clear what he could encounter all around of 
the enemy. The vigorous manner this landing was made, 'sword 
in hand, convinced us that had the enemy been met they would 
not have long stood their ground. M. de VaudreuiPs detachment 
made a circuit of half a league and anchored at the place where 
M. de Calli6res waited. The entire body landed. ♦ v* , • 

The scouts did not cease marching ; they reported having seen 
trails proceeding from the village of the Onnontagu^s to Cayuga 
{Oyogouis) and Oneida (One/otw^), which induced them to believe 
that the women and children withdrew thither, and that the War- 
riors of these two villages came to aid their brethren. 

A strong light was seen the same night in the direction of 
the village, which caused the supposition that they had burned it; 
it was even supposed that they fired cannon. 

The Fort was completed next morning, the 3'*. An Ottawa 
Savage, named the Cat, returned from scouting. He h id gone 
some days previously with a Seneca taken last winter, whose life 
had been spared. They at first discovered two women whom thry 
had neglected to capture, and they suhsequently seizeil a man who 
was bathing with his wife. The Ottawa wisheii to bind him, but 
the Seneca opposed it, and released him under the pretext that he 
would bring in others, which began to make theOutaouac distrust 

1 La Ri^olle ii that part of tha Oiwego River betwocn Lake Onondaga and the 
Mouth ol ibo Seneca River. 

was ex 
offii eis 
whom > 
to advis 
and the 
two pre I 
being ob 
We a 
they are. 
The 4 
being dii 
The fi, 
the two 
bt iig in 
greater p 
the right 
of the m. 
cover in I 
The .se 
placed hii 
number o 
M. le 




him, but he had still more reason to do so when the Seneca quit him, 
siying thai he wished to eat some new corn, and having wandered 
iisitic for that purpose, he uttered the ordinary warning cry to direct 
some young Oiinontagu:5s who pursued the Ou^aouacs, the swiftness 
of whose legs savt d him. Half a league was made that day. 

Sieur Marquis de Crissaffy, captain, was left in the foit with 
Sieui Desbergtires, also captain, and some other officers and 140 
militia men nnd soldiers to guard the batteaux, canoes, provisions 
and other heavy bagage, which could not be transported ; their 
loss would have absolutely caused that of the whole army, and 
though every one wisheii to share the glory which M. le Comle 
was expected to reap, he thought he could not leave too good 
offitcis at this post. The other Seneca, the comrade of him to 
whom wc have just alluded, deserted the night of tho same day 
to advise his nation of the danger which menaced the Iroquois. 
Inconceivable difficulty was experienced in moving the cannon 
and the remainder of the artillery equipments over marshes and 
two pretty considerable rivers which it was necessary to traverse, 
beitjg obliged to carry them on their carriages and parapets, which 
oxupicd a very great number of the militia. 

We camped at the place called The Salt Springs, which in truth 
they are. They protluce enoughof salt to make us wish that they were 
near Qvibec; the cod-fishery would be very easy then in Canada. 

The 4">. The order of battle was formed at sunrise ; the army 
being divided in two lines. 

The first was comniiindtd by M. de CaHi6res who kept on the 
enemy's left ; his centre consisted of two battalions of militia and 
the two battalions of troops composed the wings, the artillery 
bt i)g in the middle pieceded by the two centre battalions. The 
greater portion of the Indians of the first line had been thrown on 
the right wing, as they desired. From tune .o time forlorn hopes 
of the most active savages and Frenchmen were deployed to dis- 
cover md receive the first fire. 

The second line was commanded by M. de Vaudreui' » 
placed himself on the right wing. It was composed of an equal 
number of battalions of militia and soldiers. 

M. le Comte preceded by the cannon was borne, on a chair, 






|i ::f-r 

(^auteuily) between the two lines, in a position to place himself 
when he thought proper at the head, through the interval of the 
two battalions of militia of the first line. 

Each battalion was only two deep, and showed a very great 
front. M. le Comte had around him his gdard, his staff, and the 
canoe and batteaux men. 
■—■ They united during the march in some places at which it was 
very difficult ♦o pass the cannon through defiles, and over streams 
of some magnitude where the order of battle was broken, so that 
we were from suntlse till night in getting to the location of the 
village after a numbci of wheelings {quarts de conversion) and 
other evolutions sufficiently difficult to execute in the woods. But 
the activity of Sieur Subercaze, major, supplied every requisite. 
Ten other men would not have accomplished all that he perform- 
ed alone, and though he was assisted by good adjutants {aides 
major) he considered it nevertheless his duty to be every where. 
This campaign furnished him with an opportunity to signalize his 
activity and his zeal on several occasions, but as this is the princi- 
pal, mention of it cannot be avoided. Never did ?, man execute 
with more promptitude the prudent orders he received from his 

If we did not fear being considered rather a panegyrist than a 
historian, we should speak as we ought of the conduct of 
Mess''" de Callis^res, de Vaudreuil, Ramezay and other principal 
officers; but the confidence which the King reposes in them is a 
sufficient guarantee that he deems them worthy the posts they 
fill in this country, and it is unnecessary to enlarge in their 
praise to demonstrate that they are truly so. His choice alone 
justifies it. 

The mbins of the Indians and the triple palisade which encir- 
cled their fort were found entirely burnt. It has since been learned 
that it was in a sufficiently strong state of defence. It was an 
oblong flanked by four regular bastions. The two rows of pickets 
which touched each other, were of the thickness of an ordinary 
mast; and at six feet distance outside stood another palisade of 
much smaller dimensions, but from 40 to 50 feet high. 

Tf the flight of the savages saved the army the trouble of forc- 


.s '• 

«*ImiT THE OMOJiniQU. 

">« their fortifications by trench. ^^ 

a« .i.e necessar, tool Ji 7o,t^ 7^^'' '">'"' """"^ 
<l«royu« then,; b„t it must no. b »„ . '/ ?'"^ "^ """'7 
"" ever stand against a consid" 1,! ^'^'^ "«' «>« '"-ii^i 
---a .bis expedition eft^S rS^bTIt;,?: f 

On the 5th arrived twn '^''""'^'*^ ^7 o^ people. 
MontreaWbo brberairre?-"''"- »'''"'^o--in nea^ 
«« escaped five da,s a7w".roT- '"'"'""'^ "= ""^ 
wio were removed „„ tt; ruLl „> 't """^ *"' ''"l*" 
woman was captured in the wood^ a ,d h ''"""*• ^o""" »'" 
»W.ers broke her skull. In the at'" 2""'""° ''»"'•"'•« 

•»o„g«.e Oneidas, arrived wt^r" "^^^^'^'''.'PrisonJ 
fn-m that Nation whereby theTsoiicrr' ^'"^ ''™"S'" » beh 
Je Frontenac. . He immedi«I,;t^?i'''"^ ^™- «• Le Comh, 
P»ee on condition that tl^evTho^ d ,' u *!'*' """ P"""'*'! 
"■e.r families among „s, aZ,rt 1 "'''''' themselves with 
-ve land and wherfwl.T ^^ . f- '"»' '"'J "-<" - 
•nd children were not readv 1 \ , "' ""'"''^ '^ ""eir wir>. 
-"-ential Chiefs as hiT^ ' anV tt" '.."""^ ''^ °^ ">-"^ 
,°»ed by the army to obli'rC ^vl T '''™" "^ '»» '<"- 
'ion» imposed „„ o.,„ ^ ^ *'"*"' execute the cmdi- 

On the next day, (he Tfl . 
P'"o„er among the 0„„ '^i^rL T"'?"' ^^'^ ^-- • 
^«ped with those who had^cote"? ,.'" "" "^P- He had 

'«»'y leagues froo u,,i, f^^;y^^';«'«d w^^^ 
tern ,„ order to fly farther off f „ ' '"""' "'*"y« "-"md 
P'ohable a great number would ^ Tl' «' "'■'=<' ""« it i. 
k-T to fly tbat they to k7: y P"'*,''-"=' been in such a 
'•"ch they hastily „j^,e, J^t Tt^ '"^ '""' ««'>™ "t 

71 "' *ese caches w^re discte 'f £" '" '"' ^'■''"- '^'- 
, , "" ''O'rty consisting of no,, ^^ S'^'" and U.e rest 

Wis, and -mepeltrieaM'l:r"?r"' ''"^' *™P>- 
*'»g«». Tie fetruotion f Itl ' °"' "--"-en'and 

' I-Aan com was commenced 





the snm . day, and was continued the two following days. The 
grain was so foiward that tlie stalks were very rasily cut by the 
sword and sabre without the least fear that any could sprout a<ain. 
Not a single head remained. The fields stretched from a league and 
a half to two leagues from the fort: The destruction was complete. 
A lame girl was found concealed under a tree, and her life was 

An old man, also captured, did not experience the same fate. 
M. le Comte's intention, after he had interrog^ited him, was to 
spare his life on account of his great age, but the savages who 
had taken him and to whom he was given were so f-icited ih;\i it 
;vas not deemed prudent to dissuade them fron> the desire they 
fek to burn him. He had, no doubt, prepared himself during hia 
icng life to die with firmness, however cruel the tortures he should 
have to endure. Not the slightest complaint escaped his lips. 
On the contrary he exhorted those v;no tormented him to remem- 
ber his death, so as to display the same courage when those of his 
nation would take vengeance on them ; and when a savage, weary 
of his harangues, gave him some cuts of a knife, " I thank thee," 
he cried, "but thou oughtest to complete my death by fire. 
Learn, French dogs! and ye, savages! their allies — that ye are 
the dogs of dogs. Remember what ye ought to do; when you 
will be in the same position that I am." Similar sentiments 
will be fout;d perhaps to flow rather from ferociousness, than true 
valour; but there are heroes among barbarians as well among the 
most polished nations, and what would be brutality in us may pass 
for valour with an Iroquois. 

Th(; 9th M. de Vaudrenil returned from Oneida at eight o'clock 
in the morning. He departed on the morning of the 6th, with a 
detachment of six to seven hundred of tlie most active men of 
the whole army, soldiers, militia and Indians He had, under 
liim, Sieurs de Louvigny and de Linvillieres, Captain ; Dcsjordis 
and Dauberville, Calvinist Captains; Soulange and de Sabrevois, 
lieutenants of foot, and several other subaltern officers. Sieur 
de Villedenay, also lieutenant, acted as his Aide de Camp. 
' As it was necessary to use great expedition, they did not march 
in as exact order as the army had done ; M. de Vaudreuil con- 


1 1 




I and 
! was ' 

as to 
I vrbo 
thiit it 
e ibey 
ing his 
is lips, 
!e of his 
J, weary 
c thee," 
by fire, 
t ye are 
len you 


lan true 

|ong the 

lay pass 


with a 

men of 





)t march 
•uil con- 

tented himself thro wine; the scouts some quarter of a league in 
advance j and on the wings, between the scouts and the main body 
he ])Iaced a detached corps of 50, a forlorn hope commanded in 
turn by a lieutenant. They arrived on the same day before sun- 
down within a league of the village ; they would have pushed 
even farther if the convenience of encamping on the bank of a 
beautiful river had not invited them to halt. They were at the 
firs: dawn in sight of the village and as they were about to enter 
the fii'lds of Indian corn, they met the Deputies of all that 

They requested M. de Vaudreuil to halt, fearing that our sava- 
ges would spoil their crops, assuring him that they would execute 
in good faith the orders which M. le Comte had given to their 
first delegate. 

M. de Vaudreuil determined also on his side to obey punctually 
those which he had received, told them it was useless for them to 
think of preserving their grain, as, according to the word of their 
Father they should not want for any when retired among us ; 
that, therefore, he should cut all down j that their fort and cabins 
would not, either, be spared, having every thing ready for their 

He found in the village but 25 @ 40 persons, almost all having 
fled at the sight of the detachment, but the most influential chiefs 
had remained. M. de Vaudreuil consented that two or three men 
should follow these fugitives to try to bring them back. 

On entering this village a young French woman was found a 
prisoner, just arrived from the Mohawk. She reported that that 
Nation and the Enu;lish to the number of 300, were preparing to 
attack us. A Mohawk who had deserted from the Sault last year, 
the same who had given information of the proposed attack 
against his Nation, was captured roving around the village. He 
said he came there intending to surrender himself to us, which it 
was pretended to believe. An eye was kepi on him, notwith- 
standing. He confirmed the report of the young French woman. 

Another savage, also of the same Nation, but who had been 
captured with a party of our people of the Sault, where he resided, 
assured M. de Vaudreuil that the English and Moliawks had 


! . 





indeed set out to come ; that many of the former had moved out 
from Orange, but that they had contented themselves with 
remaining outside some hours in line, and had returned ; that the 
consternation was pretty general among the one and the other. 

This last intelligence caused M. de Yaudreuil's detachment «• 
much regret as the first had given them joy. It was received 
with a thousand yells of satisfaction, particularly by the Abenaki's 
who said they had need neither of knives nor hatchets to beat the 
English ; that it was idle to waste powder on such a set. 

M. de Yaudreuil resolved to await them in the wood withodt 
shutting himself up in the fort. He left on the 9^^ between nine 
and ten o'clock in the morning after having seen it burned and the 
corn entirely cut. He camped the same night two leagues from 
Onnontagu6. The celerity of his movements cannot be too much 
praised, since he occupied only three days in going, coming and 
executing all he had to do, although from one village to the other 
was fourteen good leagues in the woods with continual mountains 
and a multitude of rivers and large streams to be crossed. He 
was therefore not expected so soon, and M. le Comte was agreea- 
bly surprized to see him return in so short a time with 35 Oneidas, 
among whom were as we have said, the principal Chiefs of the 
nation, and four of our French, prisoners. 

But we are accustomed in Canada to see him perform so many 
gallant actions, and he has the King's service so mud: at heart 
that those acquainted with him will not be surprized at this, how- 
ever extraordinary it be. 

The Mohawk deserter was burnt before the departure of the 
army who camped that same day midway from the foit where the 
batteaux were left ; some savages having remained behind in the 
hope of finding more plunder received the fire of a small party ; 
three of them w^ere killed without the enemy daring to advance 
near enough to take their scalps. 

The fort was reached on the 10'^ and destroyed. The army 
cncam|>€(l on the 11"' below the Portage, and on the I2"i at 10 
o'clock in the morning at the mouth of the river, on Lake Fron- 
tenac. It was time to quit that river, and if the waters had been 
as low as they ordinarily are in the month of August a portion of 







irty ; 

lit 10 

>n of 

the batteaux should have been, of necessity, aban ^oned. A very 
violent gale from the West retained the army until the 14'*> and 
though it was not altogether calm, ten leagues were made that 
day under sail, though we did not leave until nocni. 

The navigation is pretty dangerous for canoes and batteaux ; 
the waves extraordinarily high, and the landlig very difficult, 
there belig numerous shoals in some places and in others head- 
lands against which the sea breaks at a stupendous height. We 
camped in a river where the wind was less violent, and arrived 
next day, the 15*, at Fort Frontenac. 

On the 16*'', the mihlia and soldiers were occupied conveying 
fire-wood to the fort and in cutting and transporting what was 
necessary for the requisite planks and boards. The masons who 
had been left there had erected during the Count's absence a buildr 
ing of 120 feet, along one of the curtains, not so high on that 
side as the parapet. The wood work is attached, and there is a 
range of loop holes along the upper loft as in the remainder of 
the fort. This long building contains a chapel, the officers' quar- 
ters, a bakery and the stores which are at present filled with pro- 
visions for the subsistence of the troops for more than eight months, 
exclusive of refreshments and what will be required for the Indiana 
who may pass there. The two pieces of cannon, one of which 
was employed in the campaign and a quantity of grenades were 
left there. The army sojourned there the 17*'' j encamped on the 
18* at La Galette and on the 19* on Lake St. Francis. 

On the same day, the enemy attacked some canoes of our peo- 
ple, who had found means to precede us. One of our party was 
drowned, one wounded ; the enemy lost three men and could not 
be captured by a detachment which was sent in pursuit. 

On the 20* we arrived at Montreal. Some batteaux upset in 
the rapids and three militiamen were drowned. We were obliged 
to make good to the others the arms and bagage that the boat lost 
by upsetting. ^ •. 

We might extend the narrative of this campaign to a greater 
length, but as we should be obliged to use terms little known to 
those unacquainted with Canada, we considered this slight sketch 
would suffice. 



l!' ' 




It might have been more advantageous to His Majesty's arms, 
and more glorious to Count de Frontenac, had the Onnontp}.Mi<5s 
followed their first plan j it would have, no doubt, cost the li'-ps 
of some brave men, as the Iroquois do not fight with impunity. 
There might hav< been, perhaps, six to seven hundred men in iheir 
fort including those who had come to their aid, and scarcely any 
would have escaped ; but their loss cannoi fail to be considerable. 
After M. Denonville's [departure from] the Seneca country, we 
know the difficulty that Nation had to subsist for several years. 
The Iroquois were powerful, and are diminished sipce ; assistance 
from the English, especially in provisions, comes in less abun- 
dantly J wheat is worth twenty francs the minot [three bushels] at 
Orange; the pound of powder, a pistole; lead and other mer- 
chandize are, in truth, cheaper than with us. 

The Mohiwks have very little Indian corn ; the Oneidas are 
mined, and it is not known whether the Senecas will not remem- 
ber the high price the Onnontagu^s set on provisions at the time 
of their discomfiture, when they were obliged to give most valuablp 
belts for supplies. There remain then only the Cayugas who can 
succor their neighbours, and we cannot say if they alone are suffi- 
cient for that purpose. Their hunting and fishing will, without 
doubt be inteTupted by the different small parlies now in the 
field. In fine, it is certain, by continuing the war as at its com- 
mencement, and as Count de Froptenac determined, the Iroquoisi 
■will be reduced to; the necessity of dying of hunger, or accepting 
peace on the conditions we may think proper to impose on them; 
and if the almost invincible obstinacy they seem to have to wage 
it with us continue, we will not despair to bring them to it, if 
this blow, struck without the participation of our allies from above^ 
and which they did not believe could be undertaken without them, 
could force them to make as great efforts on their side as we hav? 
made on ours ; it will be easy to urge them to it as long as ihe 
French remain at Missilimakinac and at other posts, but when the 
fatal moment of their return arrives, their absence will put an 
absolute termination to the little good will the former may feel 
towards us, when they shall see themselves abandoned. Possibly 
they will be greatly cooled down this autumn, seeing neither pow- 




der tior bsU, nor goods coming to them. How can they be per- 
isuaded to wage war without furnishing them with the means j 
how can the destruction of the Iroquois be completed without 
their aid, if they withdraw from us and retire into the woods 7 

Count de Frontenac learned on his arrival, that an Onontagu^ 
who had been captured at the fort above the island of Montreal 
[killed] himself in prison. 

On the 22*' August, thirteen Algonquins brought in two Mo- 
hawk scalps, and one woman and two girls, pri' ors. Seven 
savages from the Sault and the Mountain who hii een detached 
to Oneida with Mons' de Vaudreuil, brought in a prisoner of the 
same Nation, who was burned at Montreal. Some small parties 
of the enemy appeared along the south shore, but they made no 
attack, and the harvest has been saved very quietly. 

: MITTEE DATED THE 22» AUG. 1696. 

May it please your Lordships. ^ 

On the 2"^ instant I had intelligence the Governor of 
Canida was in our Indian Co\intry with 1000 French and 2000 
Indians, and that the people of Albany were in some consternation 
lest the Indians of the Five Nations should joyne with them and 
fall down upon Schenectady and Albany. He surprized one Castle 
at Oneyde which he burnt, and destroyed the Indian come. The 
Onondages sent away their old men, women and children to the 
southward, the young men tarryed 'till they perceived the French 
were too numerous for them, then burnt their Fort and retreate<l, 
leaving their come to be destroyed. It is reported by some pri- 
soners that did escape, that an Indian brought tydings to Count 
Frontenac, that I was on my march from Albany with a great 
army as numerous as the trees of the woods, which hastened his 
retreat, the Cayounges and Sinnckes are no[t] hurt, I wrot to 
Connecticut for their quota and to the Governour of the Jerseys 


; t 

1 i 








|l.25 1 1.4 ||i.6 







WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 

(716) 873-4503 



for men to meet me at Albany, but all my endeavours could no^. 
obtain one man from them 

It is resolved in Council here for His Maj^r' service that the 
Oneydes and Onondages be supply'd with come the ensuing yeare 
which will add to the charges of this Province. 

I have herewith transmitted to your LordP^ a copy of my pro- 
ceedings at Albany on this occasion, I have delayed the giving 
them the present from His Maj^y untill such time I can get them 
all together, and having received advice from the R* Hon^'« the 
Lords of His Maj'7' Privy Council of a designe the French have 
upon some part of America, I hastened to Yorke, for in a month 
or six weeks time the winds are esteemed a defence to this Coast. 

- "f 


[London Doe. X.] 

July 31. His Excelly Benjamin Fletcher had certain intelli- 
gence that the French were on their march against the Indians of 
the Five Nations. 

Sunday Aug*^ the 2^. Intelligence came the French were in 
the Indian Countrey and that the inhabitants of Albany' were ap- 
prehensive of their marching against that garrison. At the same 
time came a letter from the R* Honi>ie the Lords of his Ma''* Privy 
Council advising of preparac6ns made by the French against some 
part of America, His Excell. the same day did recommend to tlie 
Council to cause the guns and batterys to be put in order and 
about noone took his departure for Albany. 

On the 1^ of Aug** his Excell arrived at Albany and calkd a 
Council of such gentl. and officers as were upon the frontiers. 

'I^'%. . 


[Council Min. Vol. VII.] 


At a Council held at Albany the 1^ day of August 1696. 
Present. His Excellency Benjamin Fletcher &c. 
Coll. ^ich. Bayard of the Coll. Rich<i Ingoldesby 

Maj' Peter Schuyler of the 

Matth: Clarkson Seer 
L' Coll. Charles Lodwick 

Capt James Weems 
Capt William Hyde 
Capt. Peter Matthews 
Evert Banker Esq' 
Dirck Wessells, Esq. 

Mr. Dellius the Minister to the Indians 

His Excell the Governor said : — 

Gentl. As soon as I had certaine notice from you that the 
enemy were marched into the Coimtrey of our Indian friends, and 
by the number of their forces did seeme to threaten this place &, 
Schenectady, I made all the haste I could to yo' assistance, loosing 
no more time but while I wrott to Connecticutt & the Jerseyts for 
such supplys of men as I conceived necessary upon this occasion 
by this letter which I received at the same time (with those from 
Albany) from the Lords of His Matyes Council in England, 
you will see that I could not reasonably draw forces from New 
Yorke nor be well spared from that place myself; yet by advice 
of his Ma^y^' Council there I am come up with a part of my own 
Company and desire yo' advice what is most proper to be done 
for the King's service and y' own safetyes and for the secureing 
the Indians in their fidelity and renewing the covenant chain : this 
we are to consider, that time may not be lost and the Countrey 
not burthened by an unnecessary charge. 

His Excell. further proposed sending thirty men of his own 
Company now brought up with him with a detachment of twenty 
out of each of the three Companyes here, into the Indian Countrey 
to cover the retreate of our Indians and secure them from their 

The Council were of opinion the French being retreated it- 
would be an unnecessary charge. And offered their advice that 
the Sachems of the Oneydes should be sent for (who are here) 
and their losse condoled, which was accordingly done. 

•" ■■ t| 

■H. .. •" ' .1 

I '^ 

Ut- ?-, 




The Council are of opinion that the members of Council present 
with the officers of the Companyes and principle inhabitants of 
this place should meet & consult with the chiefe Indians now in 
town about the propperest methods for bringing back those Indians 
that are fledd, and settling them firm again in the covenant chain, 
and make report what t^ey have done therein to His Excellency. 
Which Hb Excell. did approve of & order accordingly 

May it please <yo' Excell. 

In obedience to yo' ExcelK order of the 1^^ instant we under- 
written have mett & considered about the propercst methods for 
bringing both those Indian Nations viz^ the Onondages and Oney- 
4f^ that are f^ed, and renewing with them and the rest of the Five 
Ij^tipps tb^ Cpv^nai^t Chain, and having thereupon sounded the 
Qpjjqions.of thie. S^chtms of the M&quaes amlOneydos Nations and 
M^^all of their chiefe men now at Albany, do humbly offer as 
j^t Qpinions th^t since we are informed that it is now twelve dayes 
•gPithe French, army left the Indian Countrey and that the Sonekes 
11^4 'C^youges. are still undisturbed in their own country that the 
QUfnondage Nation upon the approach of the enemy have set their 
awjn Castle ou fire and all fledd to be out of the enemy's reach, 
thf^lthe Oneydes Nation have in like manner left their Castle and 
gfe^t part of them already are come in here to Albany for reliefe 
i|i)^^t})eir:want4, of provision and ammunic.n &c. and that the Ma- 
(|\)f^, Nation or great part of them are in the like manner come in 
hilliher) We cannot perceive that it can be any great service to 
tend any great body of men now to the Upper Nations, who are 
•eated at that distance from hence, neither can any men be well 
placed from Albany, here being only three establisht companyes 
in garrison with a detachment of yo' Excell. own Company now 
hiovght with. you, besides a few inhabitants; which we judge to 
bp, little enough for the defence of the place : but we humbly sup- 
pose that its of absolute necessity that small partyes be frequently 
Hnt out to clear the coast from such small iroops that may come 
tq^iannoy the adjacent farmes in getting- in their h'lrvest ; and lastly 
YiilhiSubmissioi^ we are of opinion that the best method to reduce 



A&AINit THE OifOimiOAB. 


the Indians that are fled & to unite them with the rest to this go- 
Veirhinent as formerly in renewing the Covenant chain, is, — 

First, that trusty and faithfull Indians he prdcured and sent to 
CH^ Senekes And Cayoug6s iii their Castles a d to the dnondagci 
tHat dre fledd, with instruccdhs to acquaint them that Itis Bxcell. 
th6 Governor upon the first hew'es of the l^rench invading their 
Cbiintry came Ho Albany from New It orke in order for jtK^ir ai- 
^stan^e k releifb. 

it. Tliat upoh hid fixcell. comeing idither he liad iniielligence 
tlie enemy was already departed out of our Indian Countrey. 

dl "that it is hardly possit)le to have a meeting with all the 
brethrJen of the Five Nations now to consult with them what may 
be propper for the common good and to present them with those 
things which are sent to them from his Excell : great Master the 
ll^ih^ of Great Brittaine. 

4. That therefore yo' £xcell. d!b appoint the brethren to meet 
ybu thereunto at Albany this day two months, but if it should so 
h'apipen that by reason of the Onnondages being fledd the brethren 
could not then meet in a body at that time the Onnondages and 
Siehekes and Cayougcs will consult and pitch upon the time, and 
to give yo<^ Excellency timely notice thereof to the end the bre« 
thiren of the Maquaes and Qneydes may be acquainted therewith 
accordingly, Dated the S^'i of August in Albany 1696 

NicH Bayabo 

Cr. Dellius Cvert Bancker . ^^ 

DiRck WEssELLdi' V' Schuyler. 

Copy of a Cfofhniisiibh left iy fits ExckU. 

Bihjamin Fletchcf, Capt. Gen' & Govern' iii Cliiefe of ^is 
Ma^yc" Province of New-Yorke, &c. to Peter Schuyler Esq. one 
of his toy o" Council for the s** i*rovince, Mr. Godfrey Dellius 
Minister at Albany and places adjacent, Maj' Dirck vVessellsand 
tRfe May' of the City for tlie time being. I doe by virtue of the 
pbxver and authority to me giVeri by his Maty* Letters Patents 
uifi'd^r the Greate Scale of England, hereby impowcr you or any 
t^*6 of you to treat confc^ ahd consult with the Five Indian 

< » •> 


'9^ covvt i:bontenac'8 exfeditiok 

Nations of the Maquaes Oneydcs Onondages and Sinnekes whohay« 
lutherto been faithful to my Master, his Majesty of Great Britta^n, 
France & Ireland, &<'. and to hold a correspondence vrith them 
pursuant to such instruccdns as you shall from time to time re- 
ceive from me, so as by y endeavours they may be confirmed in 
their fidelity and allegiance. And from time to time you are here> 
by required to give a constant and minute account jof all yo' pro- 
ceedings to me & his Ma*7«* Council for the province of New 
Yorke, and I doe hereby supersede vacate make null any former 
warr* or commission granted in this behalfe. Given under my 
hand and seal att Albany the tenth day of August in the 8^^ year 
of his Ma^yes reigne Anno Dmi 1696. Ben. Fletcheb. 

(Copy.) T%e Instructions. 

Instrucc6ns for Major Peter Schuyler one of his M^tycs Council 
for the Province of New- Yorke, Mr. Godfrey Dellius Maj' Dirck 
Wessells and the May' of Albany for the time being, commission- 
ated by me in my absence to conferr with the Five Indian Nations 
for his Ma^yo' service pursuant to the s*> Commission. 

To send out trusty and faithfull Indians with one or two Chris- 
tians that understand the Indian Language to the Castles of the 
Sinnekes Cayouges and Onnondages who are fled, to acquaint 
them that upon the first news I had of the French Invasion I came 
up to their reliefe and assistance. 

That att my arrivall at Albany I had intelligence the French 
were retreated out of their country. 

That I am desirous to have a meeting with the Five Nations at 
Albany to consult with them what may be proper for their com- 
mon good and safety, and present them with such thmgs as are 
sent from my Great Master the King. 

And that I desire to meet them the Eleventh day of October 
next, but if it should so happen there be reason of their seperac6n 
and flight the brethren cannot meet in a body at that time, the 
Onnondages, Sennekcs, and Cayouges being the uppermost Na- 
tions do consult and appoint a time and give me notice thereof, 
to the end the brethren of the Maquaesiand Oneydes be acquainted 
therewith that the meeting may not faile. 

f : 1 ' 



That if any of the Sachims come down in my absence you hear 
and answer their propositions as you shall finde most to conduce 
to his Ma*>'^* service and the safety of the Province. 

That by all opportunityes yon give a minute account of these 
affairs to me and his Ma*^*^* Council for this Province and from 
time to time follow such further directions and instruccdns as you 
jhall receive from us. 

And it is hereby further directed by & with the advice of those 
of his Ma'}^* Council here present that the sume of One Hundred 
pounds be lodged in the hands of M' Dellius towards the defray- 
ing the necessary charges of these persons thus employed for his 
Ma*^* service of which he is hereby obliged to give a particular 
account to me and for his Ma^^* Coimcil at New Yorke or to the 
Govemour & Council for the time being. Given under my hand 
and seale at Albany the tenth day of August in the eighth year 
of his Ma*y*" reigne Anno Domini 1690. 

Ben Fletcheb 
(Signed) David Jamison CI. Concilij. 

[Conneil Minutes VII.] 

Att a Council held at his Matyes ffort in New Yorke the 18** 
of Augt 1696 

Present His Excell: Benjamin Fletcher &c. 

Steph Cortlandt ) John Lawrence ^ p «■ 

Nich: Bayard > Esq" Caleb Heathcote ) ^ 

Gabr Monvielle ) 

Resolved the Indians of the two Nations of Onnondage and 
Oneyde whose Corn is destroyed by the enemy be supply ed the 
ensuing winter at the charge of this Government. 

Ordered no Indian Corne be brought down the river from 
Albany^ Vlster and Dutchesse County es untill the Indiaijs be snp- 
plycd this ensueing winter and that the Comniisioners appointed 
to treate with the Indians in his Excell: absence do purchase soe 
much corne as is necessary for them. 



< ^ :1( 

; *»! 



' f 


! i. 

- if' 


I i 







^^^ -■> . • 

rS. ' 




[Load. Doc. X.] 

Sir — ^I am not willing to take up much of your time by my 
icunry acribblbgs ; having said all that occurs to my thoughts in 
this hasty call from the Five Lidian Nations, who have been driven 
hy^ the French from their wooden castles and are returned j they 
diesire to see tae at Albany in a short warning and I am now ready 
to step on board. The French Count of Canada has made but a 
very silly businesse of it after three years preparation afrighting 
a few naked Indians only ; by this, he shews them his strength 
and* his mercy, being this summer recruited from France, he told 
all he took prisoners, his business was to bring them under the 
protection of his Master but not to destroy them. Our Ch'.efe 
Sachims would not be persuaded to stay and treate, but seeing his 
force, they fleJ, and are return'd. I hope to revitt them in their 
allegiance, by the presents sent from His Maj^7 and an addition 
sent from this Province ; but yet I want the most congent ar- 
gument ; a good body of men. 



Sept. 17, 1696. On Thursday after sunsett his Excell: im- 
barqued at Greenwich: on Tuesday morning arrived at Albany. 

22. This day his Excell. viewed the fortifications of the city 
and gave orders to yo May' and Aldermen for such reparac6ns as 
were found needfull in the blockhouses platformes and stocka- 

AOAimrr thb onomdaoui. 


27*i> Sunday aflernoone the Sachims of Qneyde and Onnon- 
dage arrived at Albany, in the evening they supped with his Exh 
cell, giving great expressions of y* joy and 8atisfacc6n they had 
in meeting his Ezcell. 

28ti> His Excell sent Capt James Weems to new the garrison 
at Schenectady and bring report to His Excell what necessary 
rjepairs are wanting which was performed accordbgly.. 

TlJoxs day the Sachims of the other three Nations arrived and 
desired time to rest themselves till tomorrow. 

29^^ His Excell. called the Sachims together and spake. 

At a Meeting of the Sachims of the Five Nations at Albanj 
the 29th of September 1696 
Present His Excell Coll Benjamin Fletcher &c 
Coll. Nicholas Bayard \ 

William Pinhome Esq > of the Council 

Maj' Peter Schuyler ) 

Matthew Clarkson Esq Secretary. 
The May', Recorder &, Aldermen of Albany Jtc 

His Excell said : — 

Brethren, It is an inexpressible satisfaction to me that I see you 
here. I do heartily condole the losse our brethren the Onondagcs 
and Oneydcs have susteined by the late eruption t of the French 
army from Canida. 

Upon the first certaine intelligence I had, I came up in person 
with [what] I could hastily gather for your assistance. 

And I am now here and present you the Onondages and Oineydes 
these two belts of Wampum as a confirmacon of my sincerity and 
these kettles to repair your losse in that kinde. 

Two months agoe I received at New Yorke the first intelligence 
that the French had made an insult upon your country. I forth- 
with came up as I said before to yo' reliefe and assistance. I had 
an account before I did reach Albany from some of your people 
that the French army were retreated and marched back towards 
Cidnida. I then sent expresses desiring you all to meet me at this 
p^^(^e. , Some time after I received yo' answer that you wou)d 




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'Jl,-, '- ' '"^ 

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meet me about this time in Albany ; and I am now come up a 
second time this summer in order to renew the Covenant Chain 
and to consult with the brethren what is most propper and may 
be most conducing to the common good and safety of the whole 

I do acquaint you from my most illustrious Master the King of 
Great Brittaine, France and Ireland, that he will always extend 
his gracious protecdn to you and as a seal of it His Majesty has 
commanded me to deliver you these presents to keep bright the 
Covenant Chain from all rust and to strengthen it in behalfe of all 
his Majesty's Subjects, not only of this Province, but those also 
of New-England, Connecticutt, the Jerseys, Pensilvania, Mary- 
land and Virginia. 

^ list of the PresAUs sent from the Kings Most Excellent 
Majesty and given to the Indians (vtV) 

24 blew coats 

24 laced halts 

24 p' shoes with buckles 

24 shirts 

522 dozen hose 

30 gunn barrills and locks 

30 brasse kettles 

1 barrell powder 
400 weight of lead 
1000 flints 

1 grose of tobacco pipes, wood 

and tinn 

2 grose of knives 

6 pound of Vermillion 

Prime cost in England of the above goods JS200 sterling. 
^ list of presents added hy the government of^ew Yorke. 

1 piece of duffils 

2 cask of Swan shott 
7 barrills powder 

14 large kettles 

7 pieces of white hamills for shirts 
All which cost in New York money, . 
For provision to the Indians and repairing their arms 
Cash for Messengers, Indian Scouts for intelligence 

of the Enemyes motion p^ by Mr. Dellius, Mr. 

Barker, Maj' Schuyler & Major Wessells 
From England JE200 stg in New York money is . 

100 hatchetts 

64 j^ lbs tobacco in roll 

2 grose pipes 

Wampum £3. 9. ^ 


.£169 6 Al 
130 19 7 

100 00 
260 00 

inaiijeeao 4 iii 



^ At a Meeting of the Sachems of the Fiv« Nutions at 

^ Albany the first of October 1696. * 

* Present 

( His Excell. Coll. Benjamin Fletcher, &c. 

Coll. Nicholas Bayard 
» William Pinhorne Esq' 

' Major Peter Schuyler 

Matth: Clarkson, Esq'. SecT. ' 

The May' Aldermen of Albany &c. 
Sanonguirese a Sachim of the Mohaques was Speaker 
Brother Cayenquiragoe 
We returne you thanks for what you have said the day be-' 
fore yesterday in condoling of our losse, and for the kettles which 
you gave us to boyle our victuals in the room of thbse that are lost 
by the enemy as also for the two Belts of Wampum given us as a 
token of your sincerity, by which our hearts are mightily rejoiced 
and lifted up in this our poor condition. 

Brother Cayenquiragoe 
' We are exceedingly rejoiced that the great King over the Seas 
has sent to us in this our low condition, by which our hearts are 
lifted up, we were ready to sink in a miserable perishing Condi- 
tion and this makes us revive again. He laid down six Beaver 

Brother Cayenquiragoe 
We come to desire you to acquaint the Great King that the- 
enemy has brought us to a very low Condition and have distroyed 
five of our Castles; one is now left, and if that be destroyed we 
know not what to do; we know not what shall become of US 
next ; pray let the Great King know this. 
Brother Cayenquiragoe 
We desire that since the Great King of England &c has 
Cannoes of Seaventy gunns a piece and many forces, you may 
acquaint him that it is a great pity we should be so plagued with 
soe small an enemy as the French and Indians of Canida. We 
are not able of ourselves to destroy them. 

We are become a small people and much lessened by the warr. 
If the people of Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvania, the Jerseys, 


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oouinr fimrrBif AcPs bjcpkditioh 

Connecticutt and New-England who have all put their hand to 
the Covenant Chain will joyne with the inhabitants of this place 
we are ready to go and root out the French and all our enemyea 
out of Canida. He then laid down a bundle &f six Bever skim, 
and on the outside thereof a draft of the river of Canida with the 
g^i^ chiefe places thereof marked to show the smallnesse 
|^^rM& of the enemy and how seated upon Canida river ; which 
they desire may be sent over and shown to the Great 
Brother Cayenquiragoe. 
We again thank you for the Message you have brought nt 
from the Great King. 

And we pray you to send again to him for us with all vigour 
tnd speed) and to lay before the King what we have here said, 
faile not in writing, faile not to let the King know it. We give 
these five Beavers to the man that writes, to pay for paper, penn 
•nd ink. 

Brother Cayenquiragoe 

We desire you to acquaint the Great King as before, that 
we are a small people and he has a great people and many can- 
Boes with great gunns, we desire you to write to him to know 
whether he will send them to distroy Canida or not against the 
next time the trees grow green ; and if he will not send forces to 
distroy Canada (hen to send us word thereof that we may make 
peace for ourselves, for ever, or for some time. 

And we earnestly pray you will desire the Great King to send 
us an answer by the next time the trees grow green. He laid 
down a bundle of six bevers. 

At a meeting of the Sachims of the Five Kationi at 
Albany Octob. 2d 1696. 
Preaent Hk Excell. Coll. Benjamin Fletcher, &c 

Coll. Nich. Bayard \ 
William Pinhome Esq. > of the Council 
Major Peter Schuyler, ) 
Matth; Clarkson Esq. Sec7. 
The May' Recorder & Aldermen of Albany &c 
Dackashata a Sachem of the Sinnekes was Speaker 



3rpther Cayenquiragoe 
Wc come to condole the losse you daily receive having daily 
alarms of sculking partyes of the enemy doing mischiefe. Then 
ll^d dowB a Belt of *Wampum. 
Brother Cuyenquiragoe 
I am come with the whole House to consider what tends to 
i\^p comdn good of th« whole House 
i^rpther Cayenquiragoe 
We come here to quicken the fire^ and renew the Covenaat 
brother Cayenquiragoe 
We come to renew the Covenant chain with all the brethren 
of New England, Connecticutt, New Yorke, the Jerseys, Fca-^ 
^ijvania, Maryland and Virginia that they may partake of the 
\|^f^mth of the fir^. 
Brother Cayenquiragoe 
We recommend to all that are in the Covenant Chain to be 
vigorous and keep it up. 
Pf Qther Cayenquiragoe. 
W^eQ all is said I drincke to all yo' healths & then I deliver 
yQ^ th^ cupp. 
brother Cayenquiragoe. 
There has been a cloud and we come to remove it, as Uif 
^qn in the ^loirning removes the darknesse of the night. 
Brpt^fir Cayenquiragoe. 

T^e tree of safety and welfare planted here we confirme it. 
Brother Cayenquiragoe. 
As th^ tpee is p)?tnted here and confirmed, so we make liast 
all the roots a^^ branches of it, all the brethren of the Five 
Nations and the brethr^i^ of Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvaaia, 
the Jerseys, "^^yf Yprke, Clonnecticutt & ffew England. 
Brother C^yenquirftgoe. 
We wis^^ w« may rest in quictnesse under that tree. We 
fill it with new leaves, and wish all that are in the Covenant chain 
may have the benefite to s;tt down quiett under its shaddow. 
Brother Caye)^q^iragQe 
I do hereby fen^w tl^ covenant chain with all that liave put 


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their hands in it Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvania the Jerseys, 
New Yorke, Connecticutt & New England 
Brother Cayenquiragoe. 
We renew the covenant chain in behalfe of the whole House, 
the Mohaques, Oneydes, Onondages Cayouges & Sinnekes 
Brother Cayenquiragoe. 

We have lately had the losse of two Castles by the enemy, 
we have concluded to do our best to assist them and we desire 
Cayenquiragoe will doe the same. 
Brother Cayenquiragoe 
We wish the Cannoes may go to and again in safety 
that the Great King may know what we have here said and 
that we may have an answer. We now have made our word 
good : here is the cup. Then laid down some small bundles 
of bever saying — ^it is but small, but [it] is as it were saved out 
of the fire. 
His Excell : stoo'd up and said — 
I have heard what you have said, and have here renewed the 
Covenant Chain with all the Five Naticns, the Mohaques, Oney- 
das, Onnondages, Cayouges & Sinnekes in behalf of the Brethren 
of this Province, Virginia, Maryland, Pensilvania, the Jerseys, 
Connecticutt & New England and I assure the Five Nations of 
His Ma^'B* protecc6n. I have provided for you some victuals 
and drink to drink the King's health, and in confirmac6n thereof 
that it may last as long as the Sun & Moon endures I give this 
Belt Wampum. 
The principle Sachim of the Mohaques called — Ohee. 

The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh. 
The principle of Onevde called — Ohee. 

The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh. 
The principle Sachim of Onnondage called Ohee. 
The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh. 
The principle Sachim of Cayouge called Ohee. 

The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh 
The principle Sachim of Sinneke called — Ohee 
The whole Assembly answered Heeeeee Hogh 



In the evening His Excellency did appoint the principle Sachims 
to meet him at a private conference next morning. 

At a pi;ivate Meeting of the Sachims of the Five 
Nations at Albany the 3^ Oct: 1696. 
Present His Excell. Coll. Benjamin Fletcher &c 
Coll. Nich. Bayard ^ 

William Finhome Esq. > of the Council 
Major Peter Schuyler j 
Matthew Clarkson Esq: Sect. 
His Excellency said : — 
It was proposed by the Speaker of the Five Nations the 
first day that I should write to my Great Master the King of 
England &c concerning the warr that is between the Five Nations 
and the French & Indians of Canida and that I should gett an 
answer from the Great King to you the brethren next spring. 
I must assure you its utterly impossible in so short a time to 
send over to my Great Master and to receive an answer for rea- 
sons which I shall now give you. 

The way over the great sea is long, the danger and hazards are 
many, and in the winter season many storms and contrary winds. 
I do promise you to use all the speedyest means with the 
first opportunity to write to the Great King and to gett you an 
answer which I am sure will be to yo' content and satisfaction 
and so soon as it comes I shall communicate it to you 
In the mean time I have appointed Maj' Schuyler M' Dellius 
Major Wessells and the Mayor of the Citty of Albany, to receive 
yo' propositions upon any occasions that may happen in my ab- 
I do heartily wish you home well to yo' own castles and 
that you may look out and be rarefull not to be surprized ; you 
can never be too watchfull. I now take my leave of you and 
give each of you a kegg of rumm for a dram to comfort you in 


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tl^e wpy home, 9nd a coat to keep you warm in the wint^. I 
shall see you agaiv {God willing) next summer or sooaer if yo' 
affaires call, if jt please God to continue my health. 

The Sachims offer to make some propositions. 
Sanongurese Sachim of t^e Mohagues Speaker. 

Brother Cfiy«nquii]agoe 
We have been a long time in the Gorenant Chain with the 
brethren of New 7orke, in which afterwards at sundry times the 
brethren of Virginia Maryland Pensilvania, the Jerseys, Connec- 
ticutt and New England came and linked themselyes. They 
likie'd the chain of peace, but where are they now ; they do not 
lij^e to take part with us in the war. They are all asleep ; diey 
c|ime not to our assistance against the enemy ; their hands hung 
down straight, and their arms are lame; we see none mmde the 
warr but the brethren of New Yorke. 

We are now down upon one knee, but we are not quite down 
upon the ground ; lett the Great King of England send the great 
Cannpes with seaventy gunns each, and let the brethren of Vir- 
ginia, Maryland, Pensilvania, the Jerseys, Connecticutt & New 
England awake, and we will stand up straight againe upon our 
feet ; our heart is yet stout and good ; we doubt not but tp de- 
stroy the enemy. Then laid down a Belt of Wampum 

Brother Cayenquiragoe. 

We again desire you to write to the Great King and to gett 
us an answer against the next time the trees ^ecome green and 
that there be no delay. * Let it not be said to us the cannoes are 
lost under water, or that the wind has carried them into another 
country, or the like excuse, but let us have the answer against 
the trees grow green, without faile, for we are in great need of 
it. Then laid down a Bever Skin. 

To which His Excell: matle answer. 
Brethren. I shall be faithfull and exact to my promise to you 
T shall send to the Great King my Master by the first opportunity 
and be careful in sending you the Great Kings answer, as I told 
you before ; but I cannot be positive to a time when the voyage 


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depends upon winde and weather which are soe uncertaine. ] 

wish you well to yo' castles. 
The principle Sachim of the Mohaques called— Ohee 
The whole number of Sachims answered Heeeeee Hogh &c. 



[Oonneil Mia. YII.] 

M' Speaker I am to acquaint you I have been necessitated 
twice ibis summer by advice and consent of the Gouncill to viate 
Albany the firench Governor of Canida marched with so con- 
siderable a force into the Indian Countrey of Onnondage and 
Oneyde that I could not suppose his design would end there but 
expected that he would with that strength attempt Albany where 
I was ready to adjust my duty in defence of the place he con- 
tented himselfe with a poor insult over our naked Indians and 
retired Yet he destroyed the Castles and come of those two 
Nations who must perish this winter if not relieved by us. 

You all know they have been true to His Matyes interest in 
joyning with this Province against our common Enemy the firench 
and unlesse encouraged may be compelled by poverty to make 
their peace with them. 




i^ '..'4 




J&m-fntk 3ktm\ lirf, 1700- 


[Lond. Doe. zm.] 

A Table of the Number of the seTerall Regiments in y« 
Province of New York. 
County of Suffolk . . . . . 614 

Queen's County 
King's County 
Richmond County 2 Comp*" 
City &. County of New York 
County of West Chester 
Ulster and Dutchess County 
City & County of Albany 



3182 men 

Province ofJfew York 

List of y* present officers of y« Militia in his Ma*7> Province 
of New York in America commissionated by his Excel. Rich^ Earle 
of Bellomonti Capt Generall & Gov' in Chief in & over his Ma^r" 
said Province &c. viz* 

Of y* Regiment of Militia of y* County of Suffolk on y« Island 


Isaac Arnold ... Colonel 

Henry Pierson . . Lieu* Col > Field Officers 

Matthew Howel . . Maj' 


■ m 


i I 






I I 


, .1 

.1 1; 

I Si 

il 11 

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P MS l 



i '< 



The several Comp** in y° said Regim* 
The Foot Comp^ in the town of Brookhaven 
Sam. Smith . . ■ ; y. Captain ^ 

Rich' Floyd . . . Lieut > Com<»> Officers 

Joseph Tut^ef . . . Epsigiye j 

G^theFoo^Comp* in y*<town ofl^ntington 
Tho» Wicks .... Cap 

Jo" Woods .... Lieu* 

Epenetus Plat . . . . Lieu* 

Of y« Foot Comp* in j* town of Southampton 
Abra. Howell . . Cap* 

Jbftph For^ham Lieu 

IsaacHalsey^ tr. ''! . . . Bnagn 
Of anothe^ C}f^vf,mj^ ^d Town 
.... Capt. 
jQALuptanl . . Lieut 

Joseph Moore . . . . Ensigi 

Of another Comp^ in y« said Tbwa 
ThoL Stephens . . . Capt. 

JosqpltPierson . . . Lieut, ^i C: Q^ 

JerenLScot .... Ensi 

Of ye Foot Comp* in y*>Town of Sout>oM 
Tho.Voung .... Oipt 
Sam. Qlover. . . V' Lieut. 

Rich. Brown .... Ensi 

Of anothef, Fop( Comp^ in y* said Town 
Jonathan Harlon Cap* Griffin Lieu* 

Of anplt^ejrFjOqt Oomp» ii^ y«>:8^d Tpwn 
TJii^.liJfiSa^ Cagt Joshua barlow, Ifi^*^ , 

Jp^. Bpoth Ensigpe. 
Of another Foot Cornp^ in y« town of. East If am^o9t 
-r— C(apt,;, — -Li^utj -rr-r Bwgi^e,; 

Of another Foot Gouap* in y« said Town 
John Wheeler Capt, Enoch Fitchen Liei^). 

Coin. Conchling Ensigne 
This Regiment consists of six hundred and fourteen men 


V ) 

iieu* V C. O. 

aeu* 3 
'a^* i 
-i«u* > Gi O: 

J Town 

7apt. ^ 

i.iettt. V Oi O. 

Sosigne. J 


:apt. y 

iieut. y C: 

iiisigne. y 

of Sout>ok 

Sapt. y 

.ieot. > 

Shsigne. )• 

;■ :* " 



Of the Regim* of Militia in Queens CdUnty on y* ttiid Island 

Colonel ^ 

John Jackson . . Lieut Col > Field Offidera 

Majr ) 

Of the Foot cotnp^ in tfae towii of Jamaica 
Hope Carpenter . . Capt, ) 

Benjn Thurston . Leiut. > Conion Officers 

Richd Oldfield . . . Ensigne )^ 

Of another Foot Comp^ in y« said Town 
Sam. Carpefnter . . . . Capt. 

Joseph Smith 
Dan. Smith 

Of thefFoot Cornp* in y«» 
Content Titus 

Sam. Kecham . . 

Sam. Morrell 

Of another Foot Comp 

Jo" Berian . . 

Jonathan Coc 

Of the Foot Comp* in y« 
Jerem. Sinitfa' 
Rich<i Hubbs 
Isaac Smith 

Cf another Foot Comp* 
Joseph Smith 

• • 

Tho" Oildersleive 

Of another Foot Comp 
Tho. Tredweli 
Jon. Pine 
Jo" Forstcr 

Of the Foot Comp» in y 
Robert Hinchman 


Daniel Wright 

Leiut. > C. 0. 
Ensigne. ) 

town of New Town 
Capt. \ 
Lieut. > C. 0. 
Ensigne jl 

in ye said Town 
Capt. Y 
Leiut. > CO. 
EJnsigne' / 

Town of HaffliiSt«&d 

in y« said Town' 



in yp said Town 



Town of Flushing 





)■ ",-i| 








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Of the Foot Comp'^ in y« town of Oysterbay 
Rob* Coles .... Capt, 
Josia Lattcn 
Nath: Coles Jun' * 

Of the Troope of Horse 
John Lawrence 



in y* said Regim* 




Jonath: Smith' 

Daniel Law/ence . . 

Jo" Finne . 

The Regiment consists of six hundred & one men, 
Of the Regiment of Militia in King's County on y^ said Island^ 
Stephen Cortlandt . . Colonel ^ 

Gerrardus Beekman . . Leiu^ Col- > Feild Officer» 
Corn : Van Brunt . Maj' j 

Of the Foot Comp» in the town of Amersfort^ 
Jo° Terhermon . . . Capt, 

Peter Mansford 
Corn Van Voorhayen 

Of the Foot Comp* in y* Town of Oravesend. 

Johd Lake 

Chr: Bemoyn 

Albert Coerten 

Of the Foot Comp* in the 
Joris Hansen 

Daniel Repalie 

Teunis Repalie 




own of Brookland, 



Of the Foot Comp* in y« town of New Uytregt. 

John Van Dyke 

Joost Van Brunt 

Matys Smake 

Of the Foot Compa in y« 

Arie Van de Bilt 

Symon Hansen 

Isaac Hegeman 

Of the Foot Comp» in y« 
Peter Pra 

Michill Parmyter 

Jochem Vouchnewen 



town of Midwout 




town of Boswick 



PROTurcB or irzw-TbaK. 



Of the Troop of Horse in y* said Regiment 
Dan. Polhemius . . Capt. 

Roeloft Verkirk . . . Leiut, 

Jerominus Remse . . . Cornet 
Gysbert Bayard . Quarter Master 

This Regiment consists of two hundred & eighty men. 
Of the Militia in the County of Richmond. 
Of the Foot Comp^ in the said County 
Tho. Stilwell . . .- Capt, 

Tho. Morgane > ... Leiuts- 
Nice Teunisse ) 

Of another Cornp^ in ye said County 
Andrew Carmon . . . Capt 

John Stilwell ) 

Jaque Poilton S * * * 

The said two Comp*' in the said County consists of one hundred 

& fifty two men. 
Of the Regim^ of Militia in y« City & County of New York 
Abra : De Peyster . . Colonel ^ 
W« Mervet . . . Leiut Col. > Field Officers 

Jo" Henry De Bruyn . Maj' ) 

Of a Foot Comp* in y« said City 
Robt. Walters . . . Capt, S 

Andrew Teller . . Leiut > Como" Officers 

Jo" Hardinbrooke . . Ensigne, ) 

Of another Foot Comp* in y" said City 
David Provost . . Capt, ^ 

W^Churcher . . . Leiut, > C. O. 

Absa : Brasier . . . ^ Ensigne, } 

Of one other Foot Comp» in y* said City. 
Leonard Lewis 1. .. . Capt, 
Jacob Vander Speigle . . Leiut, 

Isaac Governeur . . Ensigne 

Of one other Troop Comp* in y* said City. 
Isaac De Keimer . . . Capt 
Steph Richards . . . Leiut 

Nicho. Blank, . . . Ensigne 

t, > C. O. 



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; r- 

i ' ■> 




tfw . . 

ABUT Livr or tllB 

Of one other Foot Comp* in y* said Citty 
Oornelius De Peyiter . . Capt, 

Roger Baker . . Leiut 

Corn : Lodge • Enrigne 

Of one other Foot Comp* in y* said Citty 
John Theobalds . Capt 

Peter de Melt . . . Leiat 

Isaac Brasier ... EAsigne 

Of another Foot Comp'^ in y« said Citty 
Erert Byvanck . . Capt, 

John Yander Speigel . ,. Leiut, 

Jo'Tiebout .... Enngtte. 

Of one other Foot Comp^ in y* said City 
Martin Clock . Capt,. 

Tho Fornuier . . . Leiu^ 

Hend: Breevort Ensigne^. 

Of the Troop of Horse in y" said Regim* 
John De Peyster Capt, Jon Outman Comet 

Jo" Hoghland Leiut, Evert Van deWater Quarter iikaiter 
"niia Regiment consists of six hundred & eighty five tten^ 

Of the Regiment of Militia in y« County; of Wefet Chester. 

Colonel 1 

Lieut. Col. V Field Ofibers 
Aug* Graham . Maj' j 

Of a Foot Comp* in the town of East Chester. 
John Drake ... Capt^ V 

Joseph Drake Leiut, v C. 0*' 

Henry Tower . . . Ensigne y 

Of a Foot Cornp^ in y" town of New Ro(^ellJ 
Oliver Besley . . Capt^ 

Isaac Merier ... . Leiut, 

Pierre V^leau . Ebsigne 

Of aFoot Gomp» in y° town of Mamarioneck' 
James Mott .... Captain 
Robert Lauting . . . Leiut^ 

Tho: Ives .. . . . Ensigne 

This Regiment consists of one hundred fifty fi<T«ine»J 





Of the Re£^ffi«at of Militia in y« Counties of Ulster k Dutchess, 
t . Colonel \ 

JaqohRutson. . Lieut Col. > Field OiBctra 

Maj' ) 

Of a Foot Comp^ in y said Countys. 
Matthias Mattyson Captain i 

Evei^ Bogardus Leiut. > Com"* Ofljken 

Tennis Tapper . Ensigne, i 

Of an other Foot Comp> in y* a«* Countyi* 
Abso : Hasbrooke Captain 

Moses Quantain . Leiut, 

Lewis Bavea . Ensigne* 

Of an oth^ Foot Cornp* in y* sfdd Countyi* 
George Midda^ . Capt| 

Oysbert Kroom . Leiut, 

Alex. Rosebrans ... Ensigne* 

Of another Foot' Comp* in y* said Countyi} 
Aria Rose .... Captain 

John Rose .... Leiut. 

Aria Gerrutse .... Ensigne 

Of another Foot Comp^ in y* said Countys. 
Jocham Schoonmaker . Captain 

John Van Camp , Leiut 

Jacob Decker .... Ensigne 

Of another Foot Comp* in y« said Countys 
Coenrod Elmendprp Captain 

Matty se Sleight ... Lmt 

Garret Wyncoop . . Enngne 

Of another Foot Comp^ in y« said Countyt 
BaltusVan Cleet . . . Captain 
HendrickEipp . . Leiut 

John Ter Bus .... Ensigne 

Of the Troop of Horse in y« said Regiment 
Bjgbert Schoonmaker Captain Abra: Gasbert Cornet 
Com: Decker Leiut. Mattyse Jansen Quartermaster 

This Raiment connsts of Three hundred five k twenty men. 


\h ' 





Of the Regiment of Militia in y* City ft County of Albany. 
Peter Schuyler . . Colonel ^ 

... Leiut. Col > Field Officer! 
Dyrck Wciselli . . Maj' ) 

Of a Foot Company in the city of Albany 
Johannes Sleeker . . Captain \ 

Johannes Roseboome . . Leiut > Com" Officers 
Abra: Cuyler Ensigne ) 

Of another Foote Comp* in y« sud city 
Albert Rykman . . . Captain 

Weasel ten Broek . . . Leiut. 
Johannes Thomasse . . Ensigne. 

Of another Foot Comp* in the said County 
Martin Comelisse . • . Captain 
Andris Douw . . . Leiut. 

Andris Koyman Ensigne. 

Of another Foot Comp* in the said County 
Oerrit Teunisse . . . Captain ^ 

Jonas Douw I ^ej^^. 

Jochem Lamerse > 

Volckart V. Hoesem ? ^^ 

Abra: Hanse ) 

Of a Foot Comp* in y* town of Schenectady 
Johannes Sanderse Olen . . Captain 
Adam Woman [VroomanlJ . Leiut. 
Harman Y. Slyke . . . Ensigne. 

Of the Troope of Horse in y' said Regiment 
Kilian van Renslaer . . . Captain 
Johannes Schuyler . . . Leiut. » 

Bennone V. Corlaer . ' . Comet 

Anthony Bries . . Qnartermaster 

This Regiment consists of Three hundred seaventy one men. 

(Indorsed) <<No 13. New\orke. List of the Officers of the 
" Militia in the Province of New Yorke Referrfed 
" to in y« E of Bellomonts Ird of y* 28 Nov' 
<<1700 Reed 18 Feb Read 1700« 




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The Savendl pUcei or DIstrioU 
in the County where Inhabit 

Jacob Kip , 

Jacob Plowrh 

Matieii Siejrt 

Evert Tan Wagenen 

Whilliam Oetrander 

Lowrans Ottrout 

Peter Palmater 

Maghell Pallmatir 

WiTliam Teteort 

HenUriek Pells... 

Peter Vely 

John Kip 

Elena Van De Bogart 

John De Grave 

Lenard Lewis 

fiartolumus Hoorenboom.. 

Baltus Van Kleek 

Frans Le Roy 

Barent Van Kleck 

John Ostrom 

Harmen Binders 

Meindert Van Den Bogart 

Johanes Van Kleck 


Swart Van Wagenen 

Henry Van Der Burgh . . . . 

Elias Van Bunehoten 

Thomas Sanders 

Catrine Lasink Wedo : . . . . 

Peter Lasink 

«y Scouten . 

Mellen Springsteen. 
Johnes Terbots « . . 

John Beuys 

Abram Beuys 


William Outen 

Andreis Daivedes... 
Frans De Langen . 

Aret Masten 

James Husey 

Roger Brett 



































The leverall pUcoa or District! 
in the Oounty where Inhabit- 

Peter De Boyei 

iMclc Hendricks 

John Breines 

Jeurey Spriniten 

Peck De Wit 

Adaam Van alated 


Harmen kniokerbaeker.... 
Johanis Dyckman Sieqjer.. 

Jacob Hoghtelingh 

Dirck Wesselie 


Jacob Voiburgh 

Tunis Pieterse 

henderick bretsiert 

Roelif Duiitier 

Johannii Spoor Ju^joor. . . . 

Abraham votburgh 

Abraham Van Diuen 

Willem Wgt 

Louwereni knickerbaeker . 

henderck fiiuum 

Aenderia Oerdener 

Oytbert ooatei^hout 

Johannit Dyckman Jui^or 


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11 891 120 









97 96 121 6 




[ToUl No. of souls, 445.] 

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OF ALBANY. 1720. 

; ■ ( 

first vard 
£vert Wendell 
Jno Dunbar 
Harmanis Wendell 
Peter Van Brush 
Johannis Schuyler 
Antoney Van Schaick 
Mindert Schuyler 
Antoney Vansehaick Snor 
Robert Livingston Junr 
Tho: Williama 
Coonrodt Tennyck 
Joseph Yates Junr 
Jacob Roseboom 
Jacob Staats 
John Rosie 
Wm: Hogan 
Johannis van Alen 
Jacob Lansen 
Daltis Van Bentheusen 
Harmanis Ryckman 
Fred. Mindertsen 
Daniell Kelly 
Johannis Vandenbergh 
Joseph Yansante 
Joseph Ye^ts Snor 
Winant Yanderpoel 
John Kidney 
Mindert Lansen 
Obediah Cooper 
Johannis Yansante 
Matthews Flantsburgh 
Tobias Ryckman 
Peter Ryckman 
Wm. Hilton 
Johannis De Ghirmoe 
Olaes Yan Woort 
Henry Holland 
John Collins 
Hend : Halenbeek 
Peter Gramoe 
Johannis Ratclif 
Luykas Hooghkirck 
Hendrick Oothout 
Nicolas Wineeaert 
Cornelis Yandyke 
Johannis Lansen 
Luykas Winegaert 
Ryert Oerritse 
Gose Yan Schaick 
Barent Egbertsen 
Bastian Ylsser 
Antoney Bregardes 
Thomas Wendell 
Johannis Tenbroeck 
Antoney Coster 
Danl Flantsburgh 
Johannis Beekman 
Johannis Wendell Junr 


Antoney Yan Schaick Junr 
Phillip Livingston 
Jacob Beekman 
Revr'nd Thomas Barclay 
David Grewsbeck 
Stephan|s Grewsbeck 

2d Ward 
Johannis Cuyler 
Nicps: Bleeker 
Abram: Cuyler 
Warner Yan Ivera 
Reyner Mindertsen 
Barent Sanders 
Wm: Grewsbeck 
Guisbert Marselis 
Herpert Jacobsen 
Arent Pruyn 
Johannis Mingaell 
Johannis Hansen 
Seibolet Brigardes 
David Yan Dyke 
Johannis Yinhagen 
Abram Kip 

Cornelis Schermerhom 
Hendrick Tennyck 
Johannis Beekman Snor 
Cterrit Lansen 
Issack Kip * 

Nanning Yisser 
Hendrick Roseboom 
Mindert Roseboom 
Andries Nach 
Jan: Janse Bleeker 
Johannis Bleeker 
Christofell Yeats 
Phillip Wendell 
Jan Lansen f 

Gerrit Roseboom 
Cornelis Yan Scherline 
Johans: Evertse Wendall 
Abram: Lansen 
Johannis Roseboom 
John Hogan 
Johannis Yisser V 

Benj. Egbertsen 
Johannis Grewsbeck 
Claes Funda 
Wm: Jacobsen 
3d Ward 

Isaac Funda 
Samuell Babington 
Gerrit Yan Ness 
Albert Ryckman 
Cornelis Borghaert 
Jacob Borghaert 
Johannis Hun 
Phillip Yan Yechten 
Lenoitl Ganiiv(V>rt 




Jan: Evertien 
Evert Janse 
Jacob Evertse 
Jno: Solomonse 
Hendrick Hansen 
Abram: Schuyler 
Derrick Brat 
Johannis Van Ostrande 
Johannis Evertsen 
Tunis Egbertsen 
Derrick Tenbroeck 
David Schuyler . 
Winant Vandenborgh 
Takel Derrickse 
Johannis Backer 
Thomas Long 
John Gerritse 
Elbert Gerritse 
Issac Borghaert 
Cornelis Maasse 
Jan Maasse 
Barnt Brat 

Jacob Borghaert Junr 
Jacob Visser 

Jacobus Luykasse Winegaert 
Johannis Pruyn 
Wossell Tenbroeck 
Peter Winne 
Jacob MuUer 
Johannis Muller 
Samll: Pruyn 
Reuben Yen Vechten 
Comlis Switzs 
Guisbert Vandenbergh 
Teirck Harminse Visser 
Tunis Brat 

Peter Walderom ,- 

Rutger Bleeker 
Harpert Vandeusen 
CouwTT or Albany Vw. 

Jonathan Stevens 
William Coppernoll 
Claes Franse 
Teirck Franse 
Yellous Fonda 
Adam Vroman 
Phillip Schuyler 
David Lewis 
Mindert Guisling 
Peter Quacumbus 
Abram Meebe 
Be^j. Van Vlack 
Marte Powlisse 
Harma Van Slyck 
Sanders Gelon isi ' 

Evert Van Eps f i-V • 
Arent Van Petten :.i*i 
John Weemp 
Simon Switzs 
Jacob Switzs 
Mindert Weemp 
Arent Brat 

Hendrick Vrooman Junr 
Harmanis Vedder 
Dow Aukus 
Johannis Mindertsen 
Adam: Smith 
Abram Trueax 

Rob: Yeata 
Abram: Lythall 
Assweris Marselia 
Abram: Groot 
Hendrick Vroman Snor 
Wopter Vroman 
Jno. Baptist Van Epps 
Derrick Brat 
Jan Barentse Wemp 
Barent Vroman 
Jan Vroman 
Gerrit Van Brackell 
Arent Danilse 
Simon Vroman 
Lawrence Chase 
Comlis Vander Volgeo 
Abram De Grave 
Daniell Danielse 
Cornells Pootman 
Sam: Hagadorfng 
Guisbert Tan Brakell 
Volkert Simonse 
Jacob Sehermerhom 
Jacobus Vandyke 
Helmes Vedder 
Arnout De Grave 
Johannis Teller 
Albert Vedder 
Derrick Groot 
Gerrit Simonse 
Yealous Van Vost 
Victore Pootman 
Jan Delemont 
Caleb Beck 
Nicolas Schuyler 
Johannis Gelen 
Jacob Gelen 
Jesse De Grave 
Carle Hanse Toll 
Daniell Toll 
William Marrina* 
Arent Sehermerhom 
Esays Swaert 
Johannis Vroman 
Andries De Grave 
Joseph Clament 
John Bumstead 
Harma Phillipse 
Jereme Thickstone 
Jacob Van Olinda 
Arent Vedder 
Peter Vroman 
Daniell Janse 
Peter Danielse 
Jan Danielse 
Jan Meebe 
Johannis Peek 
Jacobus Peek 
Claes Van Petten 
Coraelis Van Slyck 
Marte Van Slyck 
Cornelis Feele 
Arnout Brat Juni 
Johannis Vedder 
Tunis Vander Volgen 
Claes Van Petten 
Andries Van Petten 
Jan Sehermerhom 
Wouter Swaert 
Arent Pootman 



i ' ' I 

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Knut$rh<Mk and part Mannor of 
Umngtton Viz. 

Jochim Van Valkenburfb 

Iiaac Fansborough 

Cagper Ronw 

Peter Van Alea • 

Lamert Hayek 

Burger Huvck 

Johannis Huyck 

Derrick Oardineer 

Peter Van Slyok 

Jno: (Jardineer 

Evert Wieler 

Derrick Ooea • 

Peter Fausburgh 

Peter Van baren 

Jno : Goes 

Mattias Gtoea 

Luykas Yan^Alen 

Jacobus Van Alen 

Evert Van Alen 

Johannis Vandeusen 

Comelis Sehermerhorn 

Johannis Van Alen 

Oerrit Dingmans 

Bartlemeus Yan Valkenburgh 

Thonua Van Alstine 

Coonrodt Burgaert 

Stephauis Van Alen 

John Burffaert 

Abram: van Alstine 

Lawrence Van Schaok 

Elias Van Schauk 

Jurie Klaime 

Ouisbert Scherp ^ 

Lawrence Scherp 

Hendrick Clawe 

Lamert Valkenburgh 

Melgert Vanderpoel 

Lenord Conine 

I'he north part cf th$ Mannor of 
li<tn'»g*ton : 

Robert^ Livingston Esqr 

Peter uolle 

Killian Winne 

Jan Emnerick Plees 

Hans Sihans 

Claes Bruise 

Jonat: Rees 

Coonrodt Ham 

Coonrodt Schureman 

Johannis Pulvcr 

Bastian Spikerman 

Nicolas Smith 

Baltis Auspah 

Jno: Wm: Simon 

Hanse Jurie Prooper 

Abram Luyke 

Broer Decker 

Jurie Decker 

Nicolas Witbeek 

Johannis Uldrlgh 

fBtz: Muzigh 

Coonrod Kelder 

David iSooper 

Oabriell Brobse 

Solomon Sehutt 

Jacob Stover 

Johanis Roseman 

Nieos: Styker 

Tobias Tenbroeek 
Cornells Mulder 
Cornlis Esselstine 
Jeremias Mulder 
Derrick Hogoboom 
Cornelis: Huyck 
Isaac Vandusen 
Jno: Hooiie 
George Sidnem 
Richard Mpor 
John HarUyck 
Hendr: Van Salsbergen 
Jacob Van Hoosem 
Kasper Van Hoosem 
Jan Van Hoosem 
Saml Tenbroeek 
Peter Hogoboom 
Rob: Van Deusen 
Casper Conine 
Frank Hardyke 
Johannis Van Hoosem 
John Bout 
Wm: Halenbeck 
Johannis Coole 
John Rees 
Wm: Rees 
Johannis Scherp 
Andries Rees 
Ohondia Lamidlre 
Hendrick Whitbeck 
Jurie Fretts 
Hendrick Loilowick 
Jacob Eswin 
Jurie Jan 
Cloude Lamatere 
Nicos: Vanduse Catt EiU$ 
Coxhacky and Catt ZUU 
Mindert Schut 
Wessell "tenbroeek 
Wm: Lefferrese 
Helme Janse 
Saml Van Veohten 
Gerrit Van berghen 
Marte Van berghen 
Frank Salisbury 
Jno Brunk 
Minkas Van Schauk 
John Albertse 
Arent Van Schauk 
Michael Collier 
Cornelis Van Wormer 
Johannis Halenbeek 
Casper Halenbeek 
Jan Van Loan 
Albert Van Loan 
Jno: Van Loan J-mhv 
Abram: Prova. « 
Jacob Halenbeek 
Jno: Casperse 
Coonrodt Hotlen 
Philip ConiiM 
Jno: Vanhoosem 
Lenord Bmnk 
Peter Brunk 
Isaac Spoor 

Jno: Quacumbus 
Jno: ifoort 



^ork on 
Sherrlf , 
the said 

i I 



Jacob Peane 
Oerriok Brat 
Maea Ryokten 
Evert Ryokun 
Oerrit RyokMn 
Nicholai Van Vranken 
Lapion Kanfort 
Cornelia Uhristianae 
Eldert Timonae 
Jno: Quakenboea Junr 
Peter Ouderkerk 
Jacob Cluit 
John Cluit 
Frederick Cluit 
Saml : Creeger 
Derrick Takelsen 
Mattias Booie Snor 
Johannis Christlanae 

Half Moon. 
Jacobus Van SchoonhoTen 
Evert Yan Ness 
Oaniell Fort 
Oom'ls Vanburen 
Conelis Van Ness 
Isaac Ouderkerk 
Lavlnus Harminse 
Tunis Harminse 
Winant Vandenbergh 
Roolif Oerritse 
Hendrick Roolifse 
Jno: De Voe 
Daniell Van Olinda 
Eldert Ouderkerk 
Cornells Yandenbergb 

Saml Doxio 
Curset Fethtt 
Johannis Knickerbaeker 
Derrick Van Yechten 
Johannis De Wandelaer 
Simon Danielse 
Martin Delamon 
Lewis Fele 
Daniell: Ketlyne 
Peter Winne 
Adrian Quacumbus 
Abram Fort 
CoUoney RensekursWyek, 
Wouter Barheyt 
Johannis Yalkenbur^h 
Jno: Barheyt 
Isaac Van Alstine 
Jacob Schermerhorn 
Jacob Schermerhorn Junr 
Johns: Ouderkerk 
Claes Oardineer 
Andries Gardiuier 
Hend: Valkenburgh 
Jacob Valkenburgn 
Andries Huyck 
Maes Van Buren 
Com'lis Van Vechten 
Jonat: Witbeek- 
Martin Vanburen 

Barent Oeritse 
Jan Witbeek 
Jonas Dow 
Andries Dow 
Folcort Dow 
Jno': Van Vechten 
Oerrit Lansen 
Volcort Van Vechten 
Melgert Vandeuse 
Rut Yandeuse 
I ho: Witbeek 
Luykas Witbeek 
Solomon Van Vechten 
Cap: Hendrick Van Renselaar 
Philip Foreest 
Martin Van Alstine 
Albert Roolifse 
Marte Van Alstine Junr 
Jno: Funda 
Derrick Vanderhyden 
Oerrit Vandenbergh 
Albert Brat 
Cornelia Van Alstine 
Johns: Wendell 
Jtm: Van Alstyne 
Adrian Oothout 
Peter Coyeman 
Barent Stoats 
Andries Coyeman 
Samuell Coyeman 
Jno: Witbeek 
Coonrod Hooghteeling 
Storm Backer 
Jno: Backer %. 

Hendrick Van Wyen 
Wm: Van Alen 
Daniell Winne 
Oerrit Van Wie 
Jan Van Wie 
Oerrit Vandenbergh 
Hendr: Dow 
Albert Slingerlant 
Evert Banker 
Wouter Vanderse 
Killian Vanderse 
Johannis Appel 
Peter Husyele 
Derrick Hagodom 
Andries Brat 
Storm Brat 
Ome Legrange 
Johns: Legrange ' 

Johannis Simonse 
Nicos: Orewsbeek 
Jno: Oothout 
Mindert Marselis 
Jacob Lansen 
Abram Ouderkerk 
Peter Schuyler Escp 
Abram Wendell 
William Ketlyne 
Frans Pryn 
Jaae Falkenburgh 
Claes Bovie 
Phillip Wendell 


I f 

I si I 



i "■ 


! -' 




Pursuant to an Order of Court of Judicature held for the Province of New 
York on the Eleventh Day of June 1720, Directed to Oerrit Vanschaiek high 
Sherrif of the City and County of Albany; A Retume of the free holders of 
the said City and County. OaRssr Vakschauck Sheriff 




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NEW YORK, IN 1732. 

[Golden Manuicripts, N. Y. Hiatorleal BooUty.] 

In obedience to your Excellency's Commands^ I now lay bef(Mre 
you the State of the Lands in this Province, in the best manner 
I am capable of, by a plain Narrative of such iaots as have come 
to my knowledge. 

It may be necessary in the first place to observei that the Kings 
Commissioners, who were sent in the year 1664 to reduce this 
Country to the Kings obedience (it being then in the possession of 
the Dutch) issued a Proclamation wherein they Pr<mii9damd 
Dularedj that tohosoever of lohat Jfation soever vnll upon the 
Knowledge of this Proclamation^ acknowledge and testify thun- 
fefvM to mhmit to his Majesties Government j as good subjects 
eught to dOf shall he protected by his Lmos and Justice^ and 
feadbly enjoy what ever Gods blessing and their own indurtry 
hathfumished them wUh, and all other priivilidges%oith English 
Subjects And by the third article of Surrender, agreed to with 
the Dutch Gov' it is stipulated that Ml People shall continue free 
Denizens, and enjoy lands, houses, goods, ships wheresoevet thiy 
•re within the County, and dispose of them as th*y please. And 
by the eleventh Article The Duichihere ahall enjoy their otmoMt* 
tarns concerning inheritances. 

In pursuance of which the InhabUatnts took out Gonfexanalicni 
of tlttir Lands and tenements under tilie hand and fical of GoU 
lUBcholls the first English Qovernor und«r the Duke of York in 
wiiich their Titleiunder the Dutch is recited, and the fbrmof these 
Confirmations appear to be every where the SMae. 
Gov' NichoUs likewise granted. ««AB|f.thftJt 





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coldem'b bbpobt on the lands 

■>, ■: 


were willing to oettle and improve them and these first grants 
were made without any previous survey, or without reciting any 
certain Boundaries, but only to contain for example 100, 200 or 
300 Acres adjoining to such another mans Land, or to a certain 
Hill or River, or Rivulet 

The Reddendum in these first Grants varied from time to time. 
At first it was Paying the usual Rents of J^ew Plantations^ what 
that was is now a dispute, but perhaps it may still be ascertained 
by living Evidences and sometimes their is added as a condition 
of the Grant, that the Grantee shall do and perform such acts 
and things as shall he appointed By his Royal Highness or hit 

In about a years time the form«of the Reddendum was changed 
as follows Paying such duties as shall be constituted and ordained 
by his Royal Highness and his heirs or such Gov* or Gov" as shall 
from time to time be appointed or set over them. It is probable 
people were not willing to axcept of Grants upon such precarious 
terms and therefore we find this form soon after changed into the 
following!) Paying such duties and acknowledgements as now are 
or hereafter shall be constituted and established by the Laws of 
this Government. 

What Laws were then in being or afterwards enacted I know 
not tho<* perhaps they are still among the Records ; but it is to be 
observed, that the Legislative authority was then assumed by the 
Gov and Council without the assent or concurrence of the Repre- 
sentatives of the People and the Laws then made are now in 
disuse. And for this Reason, none of these Lands pay now any 
Quitrent, tho' their number be large, being, as I compute, not 
less than a Thousand : but I take into this computation all those 
grants in recording whereof the Clerks have omitted all that part 
of the grant which is commonly called the Habendum and Red- 
dendum. The reason of which neglect, I suppose to be that they 
were all in the same words with a few that are Recorded at length 
in the begining, for so much is recorded as wherein they can dif- 
fer, when the Habendum and Reddendum is the same viz The 
Motives to the Grant, the bounds to the thing granted, and the 
Grantees name and designation. - ! ^itui':'!'! k>>v 

/ / 



Before I proceed further, it will be likewise necessary to 
observe that the greatest part of Long Island, Viz all that part 
which I 8 opposite to Connecticut, was settled from Connecticut, 
and claimed by the Inhabitants under the Connecticut Title, to 
which in pursuance of the Proclamation above mentioned some 
regard is had. For the first, or at least the principle Grants of 
Lands upon this Island, are made in Townships according to the 
custom of Connecticut, & to the Freeholders and Inhabitants 
which supposess a previous Title some I know, think that these 
Grants of Townships are not Grants of the Soil, but only for the 
Good Government of these parts of the Country, as I remember 
it is expressly mentioned in the Patents for the Townships of 
Southampton and Southold and perhaps it is so in others likewise, 
and the Governours who granted these Town Patents continued 
to grant the Soil, within tl)e limits of these Townships, as some 
of the succeeding Governours did likewise, However most of all 
the Lands within these Townships are held by Grants from Trus- 
tees, or Common Council of these Towns upon the General Town 
rights only. If these Town Patents should not be valid, as to 
the whole Soil contained within their limits yet they may operate 
as a confirmation of tho particular rights and possessions of those 
who are called freeholders in the said Grants. These Town 
Patents are generally upon small yearly acknowledgements — 

Notwithstanding that the Gov'^ under the Duke of York, took 
these extraordinary methods to secure their Masters Authority, 
and interest, they made some Grants of Large Tracts of Land, 
upon trifling Quitrents but as these are very few, in Comparison 
of what happened afterwards what observation^ I have to make on 
this head will come in more properly in another place 

Sir Edmond Andross the third English Gov' of New York, as 
he seems to have had the interest of his Master and of the People 
he Governed as much at heart as any Gov' that has at any time 
been set over this Province so he was very carefuU in Granting 
of Lands : All Lands to be Granted were Surveyed before the 
Grant and bounded in the Grant according to the Survey. The 
Quitrents were likewise fixed by the Grant, generally at the rate 
of one Bushel each hundred acres the' some times at a higher rate 

I ' 


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iH ooldek'b rei>ort ok the LAfftm 

and aometimes the rent was less, probably as the value of theittnd 
was represented. And as these grants are the most profitable to 
the Lords of the soil, so are they to the Tenant, they being free 
of all those disputes about their Boundaries which have in a great 
measure rendered some others useless to the grantees. S>^ Edward 
has left but a few exceptions to be made to this general account 
given of his care of his Masters Interest. Coll Dungan who suc- 
ceeded him, followed his steps in the Granting of Lands, but the 
exceptions to the General Good Rule are both more numerous and 
more considerable than in Sr Edmchds administration. 

While Coll Dungan was Gov' the Duke of York became King 
by which the property of the Soil and the Quitrents became 
aneixed to the crown, and have continued so ever since, but astite 
Revolution happened soon afterwards, there is nothing material to 
be observed 'till after that time. 

After the Revolution the Grants of Lands to all ran in the 
Kings name, whereas before that they were made in the Gov" 
name that granted the Land, and this method of Granting in the 
Gov*^* name -wzs continued after the Duke of York became King, 
as it was before. 

Coll Slaughter the first Governor after the Revolution, fbund 
the Country in such conf\ision and lived so short a while that I 
think only one Patent passed in his time for Lands. But Coll 
Fletcher, who succeeded him, made amends by the liberal hand 
with which he gave away Lands. The most extraordinary favors 
of fontaer GoV« Vrere but petty Gi-ants in comparison of his He 
was a generous man, and gave the Kings Lands by parcels of 
upwards of One hundred thousand Acres to a man, and to some 
particular favourites four or five times that quantity, but the King 
was not pleased with him, as I am told, and he was recalled in 
dittfri^e. Tlus lavishing away of lands probably was ohe reason 

The Earl of Bellamont, who succeeded, having orders to tise 
all legal mtans for breaking extravagant grants of I^and, joined 
witlh the assembly in vacating several of the extravagant Grants 
made by Coll Fletdier but as this act was carried thro' with Spirit 
of party in the assembly, it passed with 'mmch 1^ itfrpartiality 



than might have been expected from the Justice of the Legisla- 
ture. For some of the most extravagant Grants were passed over, 
while some others were declared extravagant and vacated, that no 
way deserved that Character. However this act has considerably 
encreased his Majestys Quitrents for of these tracts which were 
then vacated, and which by their pattents were to pay altogether 
five beaver skins, one otter skin one fat Buck and twenty shil- 
lings the lands since that time rcgranted within the bounds of the 
said patents pay near four hundred pounds yearly at the rate of 
2" 6^ per hundred acres, notwithstanding that a great part of thete 
lands still remain ungranted. The Earl of BelIanr.ont's adminis- 
tration was short he being removed by Death before he could 
compleat the designs he had in view 

After his death the administration fell into Cap' Nafans hands, 
then Lieu' Gov'. It appears that the Grants made in his time 
pass'd in a hurry, without any previous Survey, but upon very 
uncertain informations of the natural Boundaries, which the Gran- 
tees took in their Grants, so that some of them are become a sort 
of ambulatory Grants. The Patentees claiming, by virtue of the 
sanie Grant, sometimes in One part of the Country, and some- 
times in another, as they are driven from one place to another by 
others claiming the same lands with more certainty. In other 
grants we find the same persons joined in several Grants with 
others, which Grants were intended for different Tracts and in 
appearance seem to be so, and yet by their present claims they 
take in the same Lands within the bounds of their several grants. 

The Earl of Bellamont was succeeded, after Queen Anns acces- 
sion to the throne by her Cousin the Lord Cornbury. The Grants 
of large tracts upon trifling quitrents, that were made during his 
Lordships administration at least equalled those of all his prede- 
cessors put together. Indeed his Lordship's inclinations were so 
evident to every body at that time that two Gentlemen (as I am 
well assured) had agreed with his Lordship for a Grant of all the 
lands in the Province, at a Lump, which were not at that time 
granted, and that the only thing which prevented the passing of 
that grant was, that those Gent" apprehended that the Grant 
would of itself appear so extravagant and would create so many 




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enemies, that they would not be able to hold it. During the 
Lord Coinbur) 's administration an act was likewise passed, repeal- 
ing the act above mentioned for vacating the extravagant Grants 
of Land by Coll Fletcher. The vacating Act passed not long 
before King Williams Death, and lay in the offices in England 
without any notice taken of it, till after the Lord Cornbury was 
removed from his Government ; then the vacating Act was con- 
firmed and the Act repealing it was repeal'd by the Queen and at 
the same time new instructions were given to the Gov"", by which 
the Quitrent was directed not to be less than 2" 6*^ each hundred 
acres, and previous Surveys were ordered to be made before the 
Grant should pass, which have effectually prevented the above 
mentioned abuses. 

I shall now proceed to some more particular account of the 
great Grants of Lands, I mean of such as contain fifty thousand 
Acres and upwards to a Million of acres, for if I be not very much 
misinformed, there is more than one that contain that quantity. , 

No quantity of Land or number of Acres, for the most part, are 
mentioned in any of these Grants, nor is it possible to discover the 
Quantity, by inspection of the Patents, as it may be done in those 
Grants which are founded on a previous Survey and where any 
quantity is expressed, it seems to be done more with design to 
hide the real quantity (if their present claims be truly conformable 
to their original bounds) than to set forth the truth, for I have 
hear'd of one instance at least, where the patent Grants 300 acres, 
and the patentee now claims upwards of sixty thousand acres 
within the bounds of his Grant. Others suspecting that such dis- 
proportion, between the real quantity and the quantity expressed 
in the Grant, might invalidate the Grant, got the quantity of 
Land to be expressed in the following manner. Containing for 
example, One thousand acres of profitable Land, besides wood 
Land, and waste and yet, when these Ltinds were Granted, per- 
haps there was not ten acres that was not wood Land, or One 
Acre that at the time of the Grant yielded any profit or one acre 
that by improvement might not be made profitable. Others guard 
against this exception to their Grant, by adding to the quantity 
of Land expressed in the Grant these words Be it more or less^ 






or some such words, and by virtue of these they not only claim 
a small quantity more than is expressed in the patent, but claim 
twice as much, and often ten times as much, and sometimes above 
one hundred times the quantity of Land that is expressed in the 
Grant, but as I said before, generally no quantity of Land is 
expressed in the Large Grants 

There being no previous Survey to the Grants, their Bounda- 
ries are generally expressed with much uncertainty. By the Indian 
names of Brooks, Rivulets, Hills, Ponds, Falls of water &c which 
were nnd still are known to very few Christians, and which adds 
to this uncertainty is, that such names as are in these Grants taken 
to be the proper name of a Brook, Hill, or Fall of water &,c in 
the Indian Language signifies only a Large Brook or broad Brook, 
or small Br^, or high Hill, or only a Hill or fall of water in 
general, so that the Indians shew many places by the same name 
Brooks and Rivers have different names withe the Indians, at dif- 
ferent places and often change their names, they taking their 
names often from the abode of some Indian near the place where 
it is so called. This has given room to some to explain and en- 
large their Grants according to their own inclinations by putting 
the names mentioned in their grants to what place or part of the 
Country they please, of wlii<ihl can give some particular instances 
where the claims of some have increased many miles, in a few 
years, and this they commonly do, by taking some Indians, in a 
Publick manner, to shew such places as they name to them, and 
it is too well known that an Indian will shtw any place by any 
name you please, for the small reward of a Blanket or Bottle of 
Rum ; and the names as I observed, being common names in the 
Indian language, and not proper ones as they are understood to 
be in English, gives more room to these Frauds 

Several of the great Tracts lying on Hudson's River are bounded 
by that River, on the East or West sides and on the North and 
South sides by Brooks or Streams of Water which, when the 
Country was not well known, were supposed to run nearly 
perpendicular to the River, as they do for some distance f. om their 
mouths, whereas many of these Brooks run nearly parallel to the 
River and sometimes in a course almost directly opposite to the 





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colden's report on the lakds 

River. This has created great confusion with the adjoining 
patents, and frequently Contradictions in the boundaries, as they 
are expressed in the same patent. 

Sometimes the Grant is of the Land that belonged to such an 
Indian by name or is bounded by such an Indians land, but to 
prove that any particular spot belonged to any particular Indian, or 
to show the bounds of any particular Indian, I believe is beyond 
human skill, so as to make it evident to any indifferent man 

I shall next recite what have been the consequences of these 
largp Grants, It is evident that thereby the King has been depri- 
ved of almost all his Quitrents, which it appears by the powers 
given to the Gov'« to grant Lands, the King design'd to reserve. 
But the consequence I think, has been much worse as' to the 
improvement of the country for tho this Country was settled many 
years before Pennsylvania, and some of the Neighboring Collonies, 
and has many advantages over them, as to the situation and con^ 
veniencies of Trade, it is not near so well cultivated, nor are there 
near such a number of Inhabitants, as in the others, in proportion 
to the quantity of Land ; and it is chiefly if not only where these 
large Grants are made where the Country remains uncultivated — 
tho they contain some of the best of the Lands, and the most con^ 
veniently situated. And every year the Young people go from 
this Province, and Purchase Land in the Neighbouring Colonies, 
while much better and every way more convenient Lands lie 
useless to the King and Country The reason of this is that the 
Grantees themselves are not, nor never were in a Capacity to 
improve such large Tracts and other People will not become their 
Vassals or Tenants for one great reason as peoples (the better 
sort especially) leaving their native Country, was to avoid the 
dependence on landlords, and to enjoy lands in fee to descend to 
their posterity that their children may reap the benefit of their 
labour and Industry There is the more reason for this because 
the first purchase of unimproved Land is but a trifle to the charge 
of improving them 

It may perhaps deserve the consideration of those who are more 
capable of Political foresight than I am, whether, if these large 
Grants take place, as they are designed and become great Lord- 




ships with large dependancies and revenues, whether this wiH 
secure or indanger the Dependancy of the Colonies on their 
Mother Country. I think few instances can be given where great 
changes were brought to effect, in any state but when they were 
headed by Rich and powerful men ; any other commotions gene- 
rally produced only some short lived disorders and Confusions 

Now that I have done with what is more peculiarly my business 
the Historical part of this representation, yet, as your Excellency 
did me the Honour likewise to ask my opinion of what Remedy 
may be most proper, and effectual, I flatter myself that the giving 
my opinion at large in wriUng will be most agreeable to your 
Excellency's commands. 

What at first Sight occurs in the vacating or breaking these 
Grants by due course of Law, and indeed there seems in common 
justice to be room enough for it but (to the purely Legal part, as 
it is an art or science I pretend to no skill in it) It is evident that 
in many of these the Governor who granted them was deceived as 
to the quantity ; but that the King was deceived in all of them. 
The Gov' who granted these large tracts, if they knew their 
extent, were guilty of a notorious breach of trust, and as it can- 
not be supposed, that they did this merely in the gayety of their 
heart, they must have had some temptation, and this must be 
supposed to proceed from those that received the Benefit of it. 
That therefore the Grantees are equally guilty with the Gov' in 
deceiving the King, and likewise of defrauding all the adventurers 
or settlers in the Colony of their equal chance of obtaining the 
most improvable and convenient lands, and of preventing the 
improvement and settling of the Colony for which purpose only the 
Lands are supposed to be Granted. These things supposed, T can 
make no doubt of a remedy in the common course of the Law, 
but notwithstanding of this I apprehend, that it will be accompa- 
nied with so many difficulties, that it will be better to think of 
some other. For all attempts, of those in the administration upon 
the properties of the subjects, are looked upon with an evil eye 
and as dangerous, and will be more so in this Country, where 
perhaps few Grants in America are made with such skill and care 
that some flaw may not be found in them by a strict and legal 

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colsenVi scroRTS oir thx lasus 


MMTcfa, 80 that every man -will be apt to look upon any attempt of 
tiw kind, as in some measure his own case, and those that are 
Mally concerned will use all their Art to stir up the people to 
nake it a Country Quarrel To prevent this it may be proposed, 
to give an absolute confirmation of all the Grants excepting such 
as vre truly extravagant But it will he difficult how to define or 
determine the Grants that are truely such without making the 
txo^ions to general or too particular, by iiammg the particular 
Grants to bo excepted 

The following praposal seems to me to be more practicable^ 
Viz to abolish all the present rents, by an act of the Legislatwe, 
and in lieu of them to establish the Quitrents of all passed grants 
at 2" 6^ p' hundred acres, with an absolute Confirmation of al 
Grants upon their paying the said Quitrents. This would effect- 
nally restore the Quitrents, and would as effiectually destroy all 
iSu Gr*" wluch are truly extravagant. I mean such as the Pro- 
pridiers cannot improve in any reasonable time for as this rent 
woukl be very heavy where the Tracts exceed twenty or thirty 
thoasand acres, the Patentees would gladly surrender their Grants, 
to free themselves from this Burden, but at the same tiiuc it would 
be just to presence to ihem their improved Lands under proper 
restrictions of not readeriag useless any part of what is not deli- 
yered up. 

The Quitrents would in this case be sufficient to support the 
Goveniment, and if they wore applied to that purpose, I believe 
would give a general satisfaction, because it would be as equal a 
Taication as could well be contrived, and the taxes would not, as 
they do now, fall only upon the improvements and the industry of 
the people. It wou'^ likewise absolutely remove the complaints of 
the Merchants, so that it would generally please all sorts, except- 
ing the owners of the lai^ Tracts-^And I humbly conceive it 
for the Kings interest and of all those in the Administration to 
consent to this, because the Quitrents are of no use besides pay- 
iog the Salary of the Receiver and Auditor, and that Gentlemans 
Estate would be thought to be ill managed, when it only paid his 
Steward and his Clerks wages. Besides when the revenue shall 
be fixed in this manner it will be much easier to obtain extraor-. 






IV TUB mowwat mr vevf-vmst. 


binary supplies when they shall be wanted, and it wiU likeMrise 
be much easier for the People to pay them 

The chief objection, which I can conceive, that will be made 
to this is th^ if a perpetual revenue be Granted, then the Oov** 
will be free'd from that dlqiendance on the People, and check on 
their behaviour that is necessary in all well ballanced Govern- 
ments and which is the ioiily clieck which the poor people liare 
in America and that without such check the people of the Planta- 
tioos may become a prey to Rapacious Tyrannical Gov't* or other 
officers, tko the people do not doubt of their obtaining relief 
from the King, and his Ministers yet that relief is at such a 
distance, and must be attended with so much charge, that few 
private persons can have any beA«^t hy it, and may often prove 
ineffectual by being too late even when many join in the com- 
plaint. Therefore unless some effectual solid check be given to 
tike people, in lieu of what they have at present, by granting the 
Revenue for a i^rt time, it cannot be expected tliat ever they 
will consMit to a perpetual Revenue of any kind, or thut they 
will be easy under it. '' '• 

• Now I have laid before your Excellency in the best manner I 
can within the bounds I think it necessary to confine myself, the 
most material things concerning the Grants of Lands, as far as 
relates to the King, the people of the Province, and the Grantees. 
If the remedy for the abuses set forth be thought practicable, 
no doubt your Excellency will ei^ily obtain an Instruction, 
su<ch as the Earl of Bellamont had to propose to the A.ssein- 
bly to find some proper means for establishing the Quitrents 
generally over all the lands in Province at the same rate and 
for promoting the improvement and settling of the Country, for 
that otherwise the King will take such legal methods, as shall be 
thought proper for vacating extravagant Grants, and receiving his 
Quitrents. And if there be a permission given at the same time 
to apply the Quitrents to the support of Government, and abso-^ 
lutely to confirm all past Grants, I believe an Assembly may 
conform with the Instructions, under such restrictions as shall be 
thought necessary chedcs on the officers — 

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oolden's kefort on thk ijkxn 


In order to compute what the Quitrents would immediately 
yield I make the following calculation- 
Long Island is computed to be 150 miles long, and Albany to 
be the same number of miles distant from New York, I suppose 
Long Island to be eight miles wide, one place with another, and 
that 10 miles on each side Hudson's River would immediately 
pay rent, this amount to — 2,688,000 Acres which at 2* 6^ the 
hundred will yield JC3350, and if the Cities of New York and 
Albany pay a reasonable Quitrent for their house lots the whole 
Quitrent will immediately amount to 4000 pounds yearly, which 
ia more than the Assembly has at any time given for the support 
of Govern* 

It may be objected that the length of Long Island and distance 
to Albany may be less than what is vulgarly computed : That 
New Jersey extends 20 miles on one side Hudson's River: and 
that some Mountainous places, within my computation will yield 
no quitrent in this age but if it be considered that Staten Island 
is not within the Computation that the settlements extend 30 
Miles beyond Albany, and that many settlements are twenty miles 
from the river and some thirty miles, it will be granted the 
Quitrents will at least amount to the sum above mentioned. 

In the Inst place it may be objected, that the Kings Ministers 
design the Quitrents for other uses, but if it be considered of 
what consequence it is to free the Kings Officers of that 
immediate dependance on the humours of an Assembly, they 
are now under for their daily support, I believe it will be 
thought more for His Majestys service to apply the Quitrents to 
the support of the Administration in this Province, than to the 
uses the Quitrents have been hitherto applied. 

Note. — ^Appended to the copy of the preceding, in possession 

of the N. Y. Historical Society, is the following memorandum, in 

the hand-writing of Lieut. Governor Colden : — 

Mat 6th, 1752. 

It is now twenty years since I delivered the above Memorial to 

Col. Cosby, soon after his arrival. I question whether ever he 

read it. I have reason to think he gave it to the person in whom 



kft then confided who had no inclination to forward the purposes 
of it. It had no other effect than to be prcdjudicial to myself. 

The computations of what the lands would have at that time 
produced at 2* 6** p' hundred acres I believe were made within 
bounds. The settlements are greatly increased since that time 
more than in fifty years before it so that I make no doubt they 
will produce six thousand pounds a year taking in a reasonable 
Quitrent for the house lots in the Cities of New York and Albany. 

I forgot to mention that it appears from the Records that num- 
bers of house lots were granted under the yearly Quitrents of 
one shilling two shillings &c or some such small rent which I 
believe is now never paid. 

red of 
., they 
Kll he 
ents to 
Ito the 

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1, 1762. 
lorial to 
ever be 

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[From the Dutch Reoordt entitled << Proeeedingt of the Juitleei of the Pi 
born 1680 to l(i8S," in the Countjr Clerk's Office, Albuy.] 

Extraordinary Meeting holden in Jilhany 
m the 7 Septtmlr 1683. 

Present — Marte Oerritse, Cornelis Van Dyclc, Dirck Wesselsi 
Joh: Provoost, J. Janse Bleker. 

Two Oayugas, Aekontjaekon and Kalejaegoeke by name, and a 
Susquehanne being questioned in the Ccurt house relative to the 
situation of the Susquehanne River which M'. W"> Haig and M'. 
James Graham, Gov: W" Penn's Agents, propose to purchase, 
Report as follows: — 

That it is one day's journey from the Mohawk Castles to the 
Lake whence the Susquehanne River rises, and then 10 day's jour- 
ney from the River to the Susquehanne Castles — in all 11 days: 

One day and a half's journey by land from Onoida to the kill 
which falls into the Susquehanne River, and one day from the 
kill unto the Susquehanne River, and then 7 days unto the Sus- 
quehanne Castle — in all 9^ days' journey: 

Haifa days journey by land and one by Water from Onnondage 
before we arrive at the River, and then 6 days from the River: 

From Cayuga one day and a half by Land and by water before 
arriving at the River and then 5 days from the River: 

From Sinnekes' four Castles 3 days by Land and 2 days by 
water ere arriving at the River and then 5 days from the River — 
in all 10 days which is very easy, they conveying their packs in 
Canoes from the River: — 

The Indians demand wherefore such particular information 
relative to the Susquehanne River is sought after from them, and 
whether people are about to come there 1 The Indians are asked 
if it would be agreeable to them if folks should settle there ? 
The Indians answer, that they would be very glad if people came 
to settle there, as it is nigher than this place and more convenient 




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to transport themselves and packs by water inasmuch as they 
must bring every thing hither on their backs ; say further, that 
people must go from here and dwell theie. Those there should be 
pleased on that account — they will come to trade there. 

N. B. The ascending the Susquehannah Rivr is one week 
kuiger than tke descending. 

A Map>^ of the Susqehannah River is sent to the Oovernour 
with this letter : — 

Mbany 8'* of Sep^ 1683. 

Bigljil HQa'>>« — Wee have accordbg to your hon" CWmvnds 
taken Informac<^| both off Christians and Indians concerning y« 
situation, of Susquehannes River, and how near it Lj^a to y« 
severall Nation^^ off Indians We^wards, that Live in his B: 
highnesse T«trritories and from whence y^ trade i^ brought to these 
Parts, and after that we caused Twoo Cajouges Indians and a 
Susquehanne Indian demonstrate to us all y^ Riv&fs and Creeks 
Relateing thereunto, doe finde, that they that setle upon said River, 
will be much nearer to y« Indians then this Place, and conse^ 
quentlyryB Indians more Inclinable to goe there, where y« accomt 
uodation of a River is to be bad, then come by Land here, as the 
said Indians did expresse,. soe y^ by that meanss your hon> may 
easily conjeecture, how advantageous it will be to his Royall highr 
nesse Intrest, and since your hon' was desyrcoua to know our 
opinion» of y" bussinesse, wee cannot juge, but that it will be 
Prejudiciall to his Royall highnesse Government but y» Expedir 
ent tlKit is to be found for Preventing y^ same, is Left to your 
hon<^ Considerac^n Wee have ordered our Secretary to draw ^ 
draught of y« River, and how ye fores^ five Nations of Indians 
Lie, asi near as y^ forest Indiana could demonstrate, which we are 
apt to beleeve is not much amisse, and have sent it here Inclosed, 
we shall p' y« first conveniency expect your hon" Comands h<n\9 
to act and Proceed in y Bussinesse. In y^ meantime shall break 
off and Remain Your hon" most humble & ,;, 

most obedient Servants 
Ye Commissaries of Albany &o> 







THtf ^vV^'istAlnfAti MtlrER. 


-isanf *▼ I 


Right honbio 

Last night Arnout y* Interpreter arrived here from y* Indians 
Westward' and brings us news y^ y« four Nations viz* Cajouges, 
Onnondages, Oheydes & IVfaquase are upon there way hither and 
may be expected her tomorrow, Wee are credibly Informed of 
there willingnesse to dispose of y« Susquehanne River, being verry 
glad to hear off Christians intending to come and Live there, it 
being much nearer them then this Place and much easier to get 
thither with there bever, The River being navigable w* Canoes 
till hard by there Castles, soe y* if W™ Penn buys said River, it 
will tend to y« utter Ruine off y* Bev' Trade, as y* Indians tbem- 
selfs doe acknowlege and Consequently to y* great Prejudice off 
his Royall highnesse Revenue's and his whole Territory es in gene- 
ral, all which we doe humbly offer to your hon'" serious Consi- 
deracdn, Wee presume that there hath not any thing Ever been 
mooved or agitated from y^ first settleing of these Part^, more 
Prejudiciall to his Royal highnesse Intrest, and y^ Inhabitants of 
this his govern* then this businesse of y^ Susquehanne River, 
The french its true have endevoured to take away our trade, by 
Peace mealls but this will cutt it all off at once j The day after 
your hon' departed, wee sent a draught of y" River and how neai* 
there Castles lie to it, drawne by our Seer' as near as y« Indians 
could deskribe, a copy Whereof we have kept here, anfl Arnout 
y* Interpreter says that he is also informed by diverse Indians, 
that y* Castles are situate as near y« Susquehanne River as y* 
draught demonstrates, if not nearer ; and in his Private discourse 
with them, did Perceive there joy of People comeing to live 
there ; Wee did Expect an answ' of our Letter w* y" Last Sloops 
with absolute orders Concerning this bussinesse. In the meantime' 
shall Putt a Stopp to all Proceedings till wee have Rec' your 


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hon'* Commands -w^^ we hope will be to deny y* treaty in this 
point. This goes by an Expresse sent by M' Haig Wee suppose 
to Mr Graham to come up and Prosecute bussinesse ; In y" mean- 
time shall use our uttmost Endeavours in our Stations both for Our 
Masters hon' and y" Interest and y« Wellfare off his Territories, 
whilst wee subscribe ourselfs 

Your hon'* most humble 

& Devoted Servants Y' 
Albany 24 Sept' 1683. Commissaries of Albany &c* 

Mr Haig did not send yo Canoo yesterday, expecting Possibly 
to hear first off y* Indians arrivall who are now all att Skinnecttady . 



IWtom Dutch Record 0. No. 3, in County's Clerk's Ofllee, Albanjr.] 

Present — ^Marte Gerritse, Corn: Van Dyck, Dirck Wessells, J. 
ProYoost, P.Winne, Hend: Van Ness, J. Janse Bleker,R. Pretty, 
Sheriffe, P. Livingston, Sec. 

Brothers. We are rejoiced to see the Brethern here who Re- 
present Corlaer, We were yesterday together and heard the Great 
Penn, (meaning the agent of Govern' Penn) speak about the Land 
lying on the Susquehanne River, but saw none of the Commissa- 
ries, nor Corlaer's order. 

I haYe slept but little through the night though I coi^stantly tried, 
and think that the Land cannot be sold without Corker's order, 
for we transferred it to this Government four years ago. There- 
fore we shall do nothing in the Sale without Corlaer (meaning the 
GoY. Gen*) or his order or those who Represent him. 

The aforesaid Land belongs to us, Cayugas and Onnondages, 
alone ; the other three Nations v\z* the Sinnekes, Oneydes and 
Maquaas haYe nothing to do vith it. 





We have not only conveyed, but given it, four years ago, to 
Corlaer, that is the Gov. Gen', to rule over it, and we now Con- 
vey and Transport it again and give it to the Gov. Gen^ or those 
who now Represent him ; and in confirmation hereof we have 
signed and sealed these Presents, Dated as above. 

This is the mark of 

[l. 8.] 

[l. 8.] 

Thaowe ^ ratt Sachem of Cayuga 

This is NAAJ^ the mark 

This is the 

Me present 

Ro: Livingston SeC. 

r.cisent as before. 

of Corrachjundie of 

+ mark of 
okichke of Cayuga 

[l. 8.] 

Jtlhany the 26 Sept'. 1683. 


We have heard your Proposals and thankfully accept for Cor- 
laer the conveyance of the Susquehanne River, with the Land 
situate thereupon and have seen that you have adhered to your 
word of over four years since, and in confirmation of your gift and 
conveyance of the Land aforesaid have signed and sealed it. We, 
therefore, give you a half piece of Duffels, Two Blankets, Two 
guns. Three kettles. Four Coats, Fifty lbs. of Lead and Five and 
twenty lbs. of powder. 

Meanwhile we shall communicate this to His Excel): the Gov: 
Gen', of whose good disposition towards you, you need not doubt, 
who will compensate you therefor when occasion permits. 

Whereupon the Sakamakers have signed and sealed their gift 
and conveyance as is to be seen on the other side, and have ac- 
cepted in full satisfaction, the aforesaid presents. 

Albany in the Court house as above. 

CoRNELis Van Dyck 

DiRCK Wessells 

Jan Janz Bleecker 

< , . PlETER WiNNE. 



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[Conneil Min. V.] 

At a Council held at ffort James in New-York, Octobr. [1683.] 
Paent The GoTerno' 

Capt. A. Brockholls 
M'. flfr. Ffl} psen 
J. Spragge M'. S. V. Cortland 

The Indians being asked if they were only for the Maquas, they 

answered, yes ; and came from the three castles of the Maquas 

• • • • ^ • • 

Speech of the Sachem Odianah. 

That ossoone as they received the Message, they came hither 
and are very gladd to be so well received and that his Mat'y hath 
so great a kindness for them ; os for the Indians that are gone to 
Canada, they are very gladd his bono' speaks of it and they will 
endeavour to get them back againe and they desire the Governor's 
assistance in it that they may goe hanil in hand to promote it, and 
they doubt not to get them back againe. 

That when they were sent for hither they did not know what 
might be proposed to them ; and for Corlear's proposition to 
make peace with the Indians they war against, they say that 
ossoone as they com home they shall have a Generall meeting of 
all the Castles and will tell them what is here proposed and doubt 
not but it shall be effected ; for the former Governor said the 
same and they obeyed and made peace and why should it not be 
allso at this time performed, for they have been allways obedient 
to this goverm^ that his Hono'' having told them to have an eye 
to the fifrenchmen, they give his Hono' their thanks, & will all- 
ways have an open eye to those people, and they desire if any 
thing happen to be informed for they are and have been allways 
belonging to this Governm^ and we evpect no favo from the 
firench, but will put themselves under his Hono". protection. 
That the Governor haveing wondred why they bring so little 
Beaver and formerly did bring so much, that it may be the Govern' 
thinks they carry it to some other Governm* they answer no they 
do not They never had so firm a friendshipp with any, os with 
this Government but the true reason is they haveing a warre with 



the Indil 

of New! 


«e to 
f will 
it, and 

y 'what 

jon to 

ty that 

iiing of 

I iloubt 

aid \hB 
not be 

an eye 

|e if any 
•rom the 


so Vittle 


1^0 they 

[ 08 witb 

larre witb 

THB itVt^V&Uilitim MtER. 


•ther In^aRg, those Indians would not dne to come en their 
kinting places ; hut now they are all in peace ; the Indians catch 
airay the Beaver so ^st that ther be but very few left ; his Hono' 
hat>eit>g told thera they should harbour no firench but the Jesuits 
and each of them a man, they answer they will never suffer any 
straggling firenchmen amongst them, but those Jesuits who are 
very good men and very quiett ; and yet if lus Hono' shall please, 
they will -send them away allso ; and that none hath any land from 
thett and they are resolved never to sell or give them any or any 
tfthen except the people of this Governm* that they were sent for 
by the Govern!^ of Canada who told them that they should make 
a peace with all the Indians ahd that the Govern' took their axe 
and ^rew it into the water, but did not bury it because if it bad 
bin buried it might have been taken up again ; and that nothing 
shall com to their ears but they will acquaint this Governm* with 
it, and expect the same from this Government. 

They allso say the Govern' of Canada promised them to have 
free passage upon all the Rivers and Creeks and said they should 
suSet all other Indians to have the same & the Govern' took them 
08 his children and told them they should be all of the firench 

That all this land is under the Governm^ of his R'l High"" that 
there has been som Strangers at Albany to buy the Susquehannah 
River, but they have considered and will not sell it to them except 
by the pairticular leave of his Hono% 

The Govern' desired them to make up the differences amongst 
^mselves about Susqu^anna River in a civil and peaceable way, 
that being don to send word to the Governo', and that then he 
will give them fuller orders about it. 

At a Council held Aprill 29*'', 1684. 
P»8ent The Ooverno' 

M' Lucas Santen 
J. Spragg. Coll Lewis Morris. 

Mr. Will" Welch said Govern' Penn had a desire to treat w** 
the Indians of Susquehannah River by the consent of the Governo' 
of New-York. . 



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Mr. Lloyd said that Govern' Fenn complained of y» unkind 
usages and sinister dealings of the people of Albany who caused 
him to be put to a vast expence in bringing down the Indians and 
the desire of Govern Penn was that hath already bin expended 
may be valued and som consideration had to the loss of time and 

Governo' Dongan replyed that as for the charges M' Fenn had 
bin at he had nothing to say to it, that they of Albany have sus- 
pition it is only to get away their trade and that M'. Fenn hath 
land allready more than he can people these many yeares that the 
Indians have long since given over their land to this Goverm* and 
advised them to write over to the Duke about it. 

Mr Lloy & M'. Welch desire<I a letter from the Governo* to 
the Indians w<>'> was not granted. \ 


[Paris Doc. II.] 

February 10, 1684. 
The man named OreouaktS of Cayuga told me also that he would 
go to Montreal to see you. 'Tis he who caused Father de Carheil 
to withdraw and who treacherously brought the six Tionnontates 
to Cayuga. He is extremely proud. Sorennoa and he are the 
two most considerable Captains of Cayuga. It was of this Oreou- 
ak6 that the English of Albany (formerly Orange) made use to 
prevent Sieur Fenn purchasing the Country of the Andastognds 
who have been conquered by the Iroquois and the English of 


[Lond. Doc. IV.] 

That the Enp;lish will protect them from the French otherwise 
they shall loose all the Beaver and hunting. 

That they have put themselves and their lands under the Fro- 
tection of the King and have given Susquehannah River to the 

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jrno' to 

10, 1684. 

he would 
Le Carheil 

|e are the 

lis Oreou- 
|de use to 


IngVish of 

[gust 1684. 


let the Pro- 
Liver to the 

Qovernment of New York of which they desire it may be a Branch, 
and under which they will shelter themselves from the French. 

That Penu's peuple may not settle under the Susquehannah 

They have putt themselves under the King and give two Deer 
Skins fur the King to write upon them, and put a great read Seale 
to them, that they put all their lands under His Mz^r an(1 nder 
no other Government then New Yorke. 

They desire these proposalls may be sent to the King with a 
Belt of Wampum peeg and another small Belt for the Duke of 

And they give Col. Dungan a Beaver to send over this Pro- 

And my Lord Effingham is desired to take notice that Penn's 
agents would have bought the Susquehanna River of them, but 
they would not, but fastened it to the government of New York. 

That being a free people uniting themselves to .the English, it 
may be in their power to give their land to what Sachim they 



[Lond. Doe. V.] 

Brother Corlaer 

Your Sachim is a great Sachim and we are but a small peo- 
ple. When the English came to Manhattans that is N. York, 
Aragiske which is now called Virginia, and to Jaquokranogare 
now called Maryland, they were but a small people and wc a 
great people, and finding they were good people we gave them 
land and treated them civilly, and now since you are a great peo- 

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pie and we but a small, you will protect us from the French^ 
which if you do not, we shall loose all our hunting and BeverS) 
The French will have all the Bevers, and are angry with us for 
bringing any to you. , 

Brethren. Wee hav^ putt all our land and our selfs under the 
Protection of the great Duke of York, the brother of your great 
Sachim; We have given the Susquehanne River which we wonn 
with the sword to this Government and desire that it may be a branch 
of that great tree that grows here, Whose topp reaches to the Sunn, 
under u hose branches we shall shelter our selves from the French 
or any other people, and our fire burn in your houses and your 
fire burns with us, and we desire that it always may be so, and 
will not that any of your Penns people shall settle upon the 
Susquehanne River ; for all our folks or soldiers are like Wolfs 
in the Woods, as you Sachim of Virginia know. We having no other 
land to leave to our wives & Children. > 

Wee have put ourselves under the Great Sachim Charles that 
lives over the Great Lake, and we do give you Two White Drest 
Dear Skins to be sent to the Great Sachim Charles That he may 
write upon them, and putt a great Redd Seale to them, Thatt we 
do putt the Susquehanne River above the Washinta or falls and all 
the rest of our land under the Great Duke of York and to nobody 
else. Our brethren his Servants were as fathers to our Wives and 
Children, and did give u« Bread when we were in need of it, and 
we will neither joy n our selves nor our Land to any other Governm* 
then to this, and this Proposition we desire that Corlaer the 
Govrn' may send over to your Great Sachim Charles that dwells 
over the Lake with this Belt of Wampum Peeg, and another 
Smaller Belt for the Duke of York his brother, and we give a 
Bevcr to the Corlaer to send over this Proposition. 

And you great Man of Virginia, nieaning the Lo "d Effingham 
Govern' of Virginia, we let you know that Great Penn did speak 
to us here in Corlaer's house by his agents, and desired to buy 
the Susquehanne River, but we would not hearken to him nor 
come under His Government, and therefore desire you to be wit- 
ness of what we now do and that we have already done and lett 
your friend that lives over the Great lake know that we are a ffree 



b speak 

to buy 

aim nor 

, be wit- 

Jand lett 

Ire a ffree 



people uniting our selves to what Sachem we please^ and do give 
you one beavor skinn. 

This is a true Copy Translated, compared and 
Revised P mc 

Rob* Livingston. 


[From same. Vol. IV.] 

St. James's, S7th August, 1684. 
[Extract.] Touching Susquehannah River or lands abo* it or 
trade in it, vi°^ the Indians convey to you or invite you to, we 
think you will doe well to preserve yo' interest there as much as 
possible that soe nothing more may goe away to M' Penn or ether 
New Jerseys. For it is apparent they are apt enough to stretch 
their privileges as well as the people of New England have beene, 
who never probably will be reduced to reason by prosecution of 
the Quo Warranto w*''' is brought ag«* y"" 

[Council Minutes V.] 

At a Council August the 30* 1686. 
P'sent the Govern^ M'. S. V. Cortlandt M N. Bayard, Maj. Ger. 
Baxter J. Spragge Arnold Interpreter. 

The Govern" gave presents to the Indians for w''' they thanked 
him after tl eir manner, and he said to them 

Brethren » * # # « 

I allso desire that neither ffrench nor English go & liue it 
the Susquehannah River; nor hunt nor trade amongst the Brethren 
without my passe and scale, the impression of which I will giue 
them but if they doe that the Brethren bring them to Albany and 
deliver them at the Town house when care shall be taken for 
punishing them (except the priests and one man w"* each or either 
rf them) allthough any of them should be married to an Indian 
squaj they being only spies upon the Brethren. 

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At a Council Septemb' 1** 16S6. 
P'sent the Gov. M- Steph. v. Cortlandt M' N. Bayard, Maior G. 
Baxter J Spragge 

The Indians of the (iue Nations returned the following answer 
The Cayouges & Oneydes answered first k said 

Brother Corlear We are come hither at New York by y^ order 
although the appointed place is at Albany. 

We have understood your propositions that we are no more 
Brothers but looked upon as Children of w*** we are gladd 

And what concerns the sending the prisoners back againe which 
the Cayouges and Oneydus have no hand in taking them j that 
concerns the Sinequas 

What your Bono' hath said about the Indians that are at Canada 
we will do our utmost endeauo' to bring them from thence &. do 
denre that y Hono* would write a letter to them, w*^ will have 
more influence upon them then our bare words 

Concerning the Indians going to Cadaracqua that doth not 
otmcern us but the Onondagos 

What yo' Hono'^ hath said of the Christian hunters & the traders 
that may come upon the Susquehanah River to hunt or trade 
w^^'out your passe ; that we should take their goods from them & 
bring their persons to Albany, we dare not meddle therewith; for 
a man whose goods is taken from him will defend himself mv'** 
may create trouble or warre, & therefor we deliver the seales to 
y Hono' againe. #«»#»* 

The Maquas stood up and said ^ -^^^mini 

We desire that y' Hono' will order thatlande & a priest maybe 
at Saraghtoge ; for they will be most Maquas that return from 
Canada j & for the reasons given your Hono- by the Cayouges & 
Oneydes we allso deliver your Hono' the Seals againe — upon that 
they gaue a present 

The Onondages stood up and said in Answer 

Brother Corlear # • • • We are affraid 
the seals given us put us in a new trouble ; therefore we deliver 
them to your Honour againe, that we may liue wholly in peace. 
The Sinnequas said 

We came first to Albany Although we liuc the furthest off , 

OP tJ 



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r .. ch 

ay be 



1st off , 

and do find Corlear to be a good brother to us, therefore did n«t 

I shall speak first of the Sealcs ; We know the ffrcnch by their 
Coats and the other Christians by their habitts &. if Me should 
take their goods from them, it would create trouble or warre k 
therefor deliver the same againe. 


[Load. Doo. VI.] 


Sir, I doe not take the King ray Master's right to the five 
nations on this side of the lake from Mons' de la Barr, but from 
our records which demonstrates that these five nations has been 
in a free and brotherly correspondence froip the first Settlement 
of this towne, and further they have sub nitted themselves, there 
country and conquests to the Dutch in their time and to the Kinge 
of England since this Colonie came under His Majes*''* obedience, 
so that the King haveing given a Pattent to M' W* Penn of a 
tract of land in which there conquest land uppon the Susquehana 
River was included in the grant, Since all this they came to me 
in the presents of the Lord Effingham now Gov' of Virginia 
presentinge two dorst [dressed?] Deerskins desiringe roe to send 
them to the Kinge that a red broade scale might bee affixed to 
them, that, that part of Susquehanna river might be annexed to 
thisCollony haveinge some of their friends livinge there. 

-«» s *\^''0,- 9 i' ; 




[LonU. Doc. VIII.] ^ 

Most Gracious Sovereigne , ^, ,^ ,^^ 

May it please Yo' Most Excell Maj^^ 
There being nothing so dear unto us as the prosperity of your 
Majesty the increase of your empire and the safety of your 





people planted in these remote parts of Amei iua, We therefore 
in all humble manner find it is our duty to represent unto your 
most sacred Majesty the State and Condiu(3n of this your Majtsty^s 
Province, that by a view thereof Tour Majesty may be truely 
informed of the advantages accruing to your Majesty and also of 
the great detriment and prejudice that threatens your Majesty's 
interest by the pretences of our Neighbours and the strength of 
the French your Majesty's declared enemys. 

Therefore Most Excel Sovereigne 

This your Maj'y* Province was first settled and planted in 
the year of our Lord 1619. by the States Generall of the United 
Provinces, whu did extend the line of their dominion from this 
your Majesty's Citty of New Yorke to the Eastward so farr as 
Connecticut River and to the Westward along the Coast beyond 
the Delaware River, and to the Northward up Hudson's River so 
farr as Schenetady and from thence to the Lakes of Canada, and 
from thence to the Westward so farr as the Sinnekes land or the 
Indian hunting reacheth. Since which time in the year of out 
Lord 1664. King Charles the Second did subdue and reduce to 
the allegiance of Your Majesty's Crowne all the Inhabitants and 
Territorys within the limitts aforesaid ; all which was granted 
by King Charles the Second unto His Royall Highness James 
Duke of Yorke in the same year together with the governm' of 
all that tract of land to the Westward of Delaware River unto 

His Royall Highness was pleased out of the premises to grant 
a certain tract of land unto the Right Honorable John Lord Bar- 
clay and Sir George Carterett limited and bounded by Hudson 
and Delaware Rivers, as per the Deed of Conveyance relation 
being thereunto had may more fully appeare ; the remaining part 
continued in His Royall Highnesses possession untill the yeare 
of our Lord 1682, William Penn procured a Pattent from King 
Charles the Second for land to the Westward of Delaware River, 
now called Pensilvania, as per said pattent doth more largely 

His Royall Highness was also pleased to grant unto the said 
William Penn, New Castle upon Delaware River and twelve 





to grant 
)rd Bar- 
I Hudson 

^ing part 
it yeare 
)m King 
re River, 
le largely 

the said 

miles round about and afterwards lie made another grant unto 
him of all the land to the Southward of New CHSlle. 

Now, may it please your Majesty, all that been reserved out 
of the Territorys and dominion afoesaidis only Long Island and 
lome other small Islands adjacent, New York, Zopus, Albany 
and the limitts thereof j for the preserving of which the Crowne 
hath been at great charge, and for the support of your Majt'"* 
governm' there is now in Generall Assembly a revenue established 
upon the trade thereof which is managed i ; manner follow' iig. 

New Yorke is the Metropolis, is scituatf upon a barr.'n island 
bounded by Hudson's River and the East River th^t runs into the 
Sound, and hath nothing to support it but trade, w' ich chief? v 
flows from flower and bread they make of the Come the W . t 
end of Long Island and Zopus produccth ; which is sent t.^ t'le 
West Indies, and there is brought in returne from thf i; « amongst 
other things a liquor called Rumm,the duty whereoi con iderably 
encreaseth your Majesties revenue. 

Zopus is a place upon Hudson's River, 80 miles distant from 
New Yorke ; consists of five small towns whose inhabitant's manage 
husbandry and have not above 3000 acres of manurcable land ; 
all the rt'st bting hills and mountains, not possible to be culti- 

Albany lyes upon the same River distant from New Yorke 144 
miles, only settled for Indian trade ; its commerce extends itself 
as far as the Lakes of Canada and theSi^riekes Country in which 
is the Susquehannah River ; their chiefe t : .ndance is upon their 
traflick with the 5 Nations called Sinnekes Cayeugoes OnCydes 
Onondages and Maquase ; which Indians in the time of the Dutch 
did surrender themselves and their Unds to the obedience & pro- 
tec6n of Albany, and upon that place's reduccon to your Majes- 
ties Crowne of England they continued confirming the same 
successively to all the Governours of this Province, and h<.th 
now ratifyed and confirmed the same unto your IVHyesty ; so that 
all that tract of land from the Westermost extent of the Sinnekes 
Country unto Albany hath been appropriated and did absolutely 
belong unto the Inhabitants of Albany, upwards of fourty yearcs; 
The Indian inhabitants have always reckoned themselves subjects 






to your Majesties Crowne, and are not willing to submitt or 
have any trade or Commerce with any of your Majesty's subjects 
but those att Albany, your Majesty's forts of New Yorke and 
Albany had always an absolute dominion over all the Indian 
Nations adjacent to this Province but especially of all those to 
the Westward ; and they were accustomed annually to bring 
tribute to your Majesty's forts, acknowledging the same, but of 
late years the neighbouring Collonys have obstructed them which 
we conceive highly injurious to your Majesty's interest and that 
this royalty is not conveyed by any of the afore recited grants. 

Long Island is pleasantly scituated and well planted but brings 
little gain unto your Majesty, the East end being chiefly settled 
by New England people who have erected five towns. Their 
improvements are most in pasturage and whaleing. What is 
produced from their industry is frequently carried to Boston and 
notwithstand ng of the many strict rules and laws made to confine 
them to this place they interlope that the revenue there is not able 
to defray the expence of looking after it. The middle of the 
Island [is] altogether barren ; the West end chiefly employed in 
tillage, which in a great measure supplys the trafliq of New 

All the rest of the Province, West Chester, Staten Island and 
Martin's Vineyard excepted, consist of barren mountains hills not 
improveable by humane industry. 
Now May it please Your Majty : 

The revenue that is established in this Province is in such a 
nature that if the encroachm** and pretences of our neighbours be 
removed, it will not only be sufficie'it to defray the charge of 
your Maj*'«* Governm* but also bring in profitt into your Maj*'«» 
Coffers. ";^ . i ' 

East Jersey is scituate on Hudsons River over ac;ainst Long 
Island Staten Island and New York, and they pretend by the 
aforementioned grant to be a free place and to have free ports to 
trade as they please, which if admitted must certainly destroy yo' 
Maj*'«" interest and revenue here ; for what merchant will come 
to New York and trade and pay to yo' Maj'y 2 and 10 p cent 
with the excise and yo Maj''«' duties settled here, if they can at 


on 11 




r the 
rts to 

p cent 

can at 

3 or 3 miles distance over against the same place go and be free 
from any duty or imposition whatever. 

Conneticutt ]yes to the eastward of us & pretends to the like 
freedome as East Jersey^ and doth in the same degree threaten 
y'' Majestys interest with the like inconveniency and prejudice. 
Therefore may it please our Maj^y if Connecticutt East and West 
Jersey be not annexed to your Majesty's Government of this Pro- 
vince it will be alltogether impossible to raise such a revenue to 
yo"^ Majesty here as will be sufficient to defray the charge of the 
government, and the annexing thereof cannot be injurious to the 
proprietors, but on the contrary advantageous to them, for it will 
ease them of the charge of governm^ which hath allways exceeded 
the quitt Rents accrueing to them ; wheras if they were annexed 
the profits would be freed from that charge, retain their propertys 
and putt the Quitt Rents clear in their pocquets. 

These inconveniences of Connecticutt East and West Jersey are 
not only prejudicial! to yo" M; j : intrest, but also the pretences 
of William Penn Esq"^ to the 3 lower Countys on Delaware River 
and to the Susquehanna River are equally if not more injurious to 
your Maj*y and particularly in this respect Susquehanna River is 
scituate in the middle of the Sinnekes Country which they gave unto 
your Majesty's Crowne and hath belonged as an appendix to this 
your Maj''«" Governm* many years before Mr Penn had his pattent. 
Notwithstanding thereof Mr Penn endevors to disturb your Majesty 
in the peaceable and quiett possession of the premises ; endeavoring 
to tempt the Indians to sell it again to him, by that means not 
only to dispossess your Majesty of your antient rights, but also 
to pervert and draw away the trade of the Indians to his Province; 
which will be an irreparable loss to your Majesty, all the Nations 
with whom Albany hath their trade liveing at the head of Susque- 
hanna River. So the revenue of 10 p"^ Cent, the impost upon 
powder, lead, alumn and furrs, quite lost, and if Mr Penn should 
attain his pretences to the Susquehanna River, it will not only 
destroy the best branch of your Maj*»8» revenue, but it will like- 
wise depopulate your Province, the inhabitants of Albany haveing 
only seated themselves there and addicted their minds to the Indian 
language and the misteries of the said trade with purpose to 

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manage it, that if it should be diverted from that channell they 
must follow it, haveing no other way or art to gett a livelyhood. 

The 3 Lower Countys were planted at the charge and expence 
of this your Maj'X" citty of New Yorke and cheifly to encrease 
and preserve the navigacon of this port, being recommended to 
imploy their industry in planting of tobacco, which being a bulky 
comodity gave great encouragement to shipping as well as it brings 
great profitt to yo"^ Maj^y Since we have mett with obstruccons 
from that place by the pretences of M' Penn, we have not been 
able to load so many ships as formerly ; all that yo*" Majesties 
province produceth suitable for Europe being only furrs, which 
are of great value and in small bulk, gives little encouragement 
to nnvigation. We were also accustomed to have considerable 
parcells of peltry from said Countys, which go now another way 
without paying yo' Majesty any thing, and that which is a heavier 
presture upon us, they constrain us a penny p pound for the 
tobacco brought here, and send it to Pensilvania, a distinct Pro- 
vince, without paying any thing; by that means divtrting the 
trade of this port to Pensilvania : by all which your Majesty may 
perceive that the pretences of M Penn to the Susquehanna River 
are very injurious to your Maj '" right and revenue ; so that some 
care must be taken if your Maj y sees cause he shall remain a 
distinct governm" that his line doth encroach upon your Majesties 
right noe further upon the Susquehanna River then the fall thereof; 
otherwise its scituation being so near the Sinnekes Indii^ns, if 
planted by him, must of necessity divert t'ne whole trade of 

May it please Your Most Excel* Majty. 

This is the state of your Majesties Province with relation to 
our neighbours your Majesty's subjects. There is likewise the 
French formerly under the pretence of propagating the Christian 
faith amongst the Indians, did thereby very much incroach upon 
yo' Majesties right on this side of the lake, and particularly did 
draw away many of our Indians into Canada, under the notion of 
supplying them with priests to instruct them in the Christian reli- 
gion ; by which means they lessened our hunting much, and has 
so weakened the Maquase nation that they are not capable to do 

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\ to 
tr way 
For the 
ct Pro- 
ing the 
sty may 
a River 
lat some 
emain a 

dians, if 
trade of 

Llation to 
lewise the 
I Christian 
lach upon 
iilarly did 
I notion of 
l&tian reVi- 
,, and has 
lable to do 

yo Majesty t:»e service as formerly. Besides they are so affected 
to the French Yo' Maj*'e« enemys that while they are in being we 
cann have no safety. Since the war the French priests have 
retired from their castles, and the Dutch Minister at Albany 
hath been very successful! in converting many of them to the true 
religion, in which they are very devout and desirous to have a'minis- 
try settled amongst them for their pious comfort and instruccon. 
This would be of great advantage to your Majesty not only in the 
increase of your revenue but also to endear the Indians to us, 
that they would continue to be the preservacdn of this and the 
rest of your Majesty's adjacent Colonys ; these Nations being the 
strongest and most terrible among the Indians are the only bul- 
warke and wall of defence both against other Indians and the 
French pretences, which we are daily threatened with, being in- 
formed that they intend with a considerable force of themselves 
and the Ottawawes Indians to descend upon Albany and take it, 
which is not at present able (if attaqued) to resist, neither is the 
whole Province as now narrowed, capable to secure that post, 
which hath occasioned an applicacon to our neighbours for assis- 
tance, but possitively denyed : the particulars whereof are more 
plainly expressed in letters to the Secretary of State and Planta- 
cons: by all which yo' Maj^y may judge of the present state of 
this Province, and of the inconveniencys that dayly attend it. 
Now may it please your most Excels Maj^y. 

The premises considered we humbly presume and represent 
unto y' most sacred Majesty that there cann be nothing in America 
more conducive to yo Maj*'«" subjects upon this continent then 
that Connecticut, East and West Jersey, Pensilvania and 3 Lower 
Countys be reannexed to this yf Majt'^« Province which then will 
be a governm^ of sufficient extent ; our late annexing to Boston 
haveing been evidently ruinous and destructive to these parts and 
may be other waies prejudicial to yo' Maj*' ■ interest for these 
reasons. Yo Maj'y hath already by the unanimous consent of 
the people, a revenue established of greater value then is any 
where else in yo' Maj*y» Plantacdns and whoever arc joyned to 
this Province submit to the Establishm* ; wheras it will be difficult 
to settle the like among our neighbours, and if settled, remain 

" . ^1 

M ■ :i: 

I 1 

I ii 


y % <' 

IB If 






distinct governments they are so weak as not capable to defend 
themselveS) and the revenue will be eat up in looking after it, that 
they cannot be profitable to your Maj y. Whereas if they be an* 
nexed the charge will be no more to yo' Majty then now without 
them, and their conjunction must at least increase the Revenue 
3 fold, besides will make this province not only capnble to defend 
themselves but to anoy if not subdue the enemy 

May it please your Majesty; the small quantity of stores 
Govern' Sloughter brought over are mostly disposed of in the 
severall small forts of Albany and Schenectady &'' so that now we 
must begg ^^e favor of a fresh supply. 

All which is humbly submitted 

^ivV •)♦> Rich*' : Inooldsbt 
Fred: Phillips 
Stev: Cortlandt 
Nich: Bayakd 
Gab : Monvieix 
A true Copy . . Chid: Brook 

M. Clabksom Secy. Will: Nicolls. 




[Load. Doc. XXIV.] 


ttSept. The whole paragraph of the above letter which gav« 
birth to the Observations is as follows : — 

" I think I have before now hinted to your Lordships my opinion 
that the Hostilities which Pensilvania in particular has suffered 
from some of the Indians living on the Susquehanna did in some 
measure arise from the large purchase made by that Ciovcrntnent 
two years ago at Albany. I have more reason eve y ilay from 
talking with the Indians to be confirmed in this Suspicion. T in 
inclined to believe that this purchase was public ly ( onsi ntc I lo at 
Albany, some of the Six Nations are disgusted at i^, and olhrrs 
repent their consenting to it, and that part of them do umlorhiind 

are to 



It) some 

ly tVoin 
T . »i 
\v\ K) a1 

connive at the Disturbance between the Susquehannah Indians & 
the Province of Pensilvania whose raising forces and building 
Forts on the Susquehana, tho' it hath very plausible pretences is 
at the bottom bad polii'.y and really intended to secure Lands 
which it would be more for the true interest of the community to 
give up at least for the present. I conceive the most effectual 
method of producing tranquillity to that province would be a vo- 
luntary and open surrender of that Deed of Sale, fix with the In- 
dians in the best manner they can the Bounds for their Settlements 
and make them Guarantees to it. 

** The Proprietors are pleased to introduce their observations 
with a challenge to Sir William Johnson and all the World to shew 
any one Instance of their Conduct that has given dissatisfaction to 
the Six Nftions and which they say those Nations will readily 
acknowledge in any free Conference." 

Tho' the real Intent of the above paragraph from Sir William 
Johnson's letter was, and its obvious meaning is, to assign a cause 
to which he suspected the Indians' Hostilities in Pensilvania were 
in a great measure owing. Yet upon Sir William Johnson saying 
he was inclined to believe &"■ The Proprietors are pleased to 
sound this unprovoked challenge, which tho to answer as well as 
to have given is departing from the main argument, Yet Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson begs leave to say something in answer to it. 

Firsty He will now presume to assert that from many Private 
conversatious he hrth hadd with severall of the Chiefs of the Six 
Nations, they are not satisfied with the conduct of the Government 
of Pensilvania ia General, nor with the aforesaid purchase in par- 

Secondly^ He will adduce some facts public and upon Record ' 
in support of the above assertion. 

At the Treaty of Lancaster in the year 1744 the Six Nations ' 
complained to Governour Thomas that the Connoge Indians had • 
not been satisfied for their Lands. The Governour promised re- 
dress. In the yeare 1749 the Six Nations renewed the aforesaid 
Complaint to Governor Hamilton. 

(NB. It doth not appear upon Record that the Connoge Indians - 
are to this day satisfied.) 

:' o„ 





In the year 1750 Connageriwa a Sachim of the Six Nations 
living on the Ohio came at the head of a Deputation from thence 
to Mr. Croghan's house, and told Mr. Peters he was sent down 
from Ohio to enquire about the purchase they had heard the 
Governour had made on the East side of the Susquehannah the 
year before, from the Onondaga Council and said they were enti- 
tled to part of the goods paid for those Lands as well as the Onon- 
daga Council!, but they had received no part. 

That they were come down to desire the Governour to purchase 
no more Lands without giving them notice and desired the Gover- 
nour might send that Belt of Wampum to the Onondaga Council 
and let them know what the Ohio Indians had said on this head. 
Gave a large Belt. /. 

The Indians of the Six Nations who were settled on the Ohio 
were so dissatisfied with the Albany purchase made by the Pro- 
prietary Agents and saw such bad consequences arising from it 
that they left the O^.iio and returned to their own Country. 

In a Speech of the Six Nations at a publick meeting with Sir 
William Johnson on the 3d July 1755 They said 

Brother, You desire us to unite and live together and draw 
all our allies near us, but we shall have no land left either for 
ourselves or them, for your people when they buy a small piece of 
land of us, by stealing they make it large We desire such things 
may not be done and that your people may not be suffered to 
buy any more of our lands. Sometimes its bought of two men, 
who are not the proper owners of it. The land which reaches 
down from Oswego to Schahandowana (Wyoming) we beg may 
not be settled by Christians. The Governour of Pensilvania 
bought a whole tr.*ck and only paid for half, and desire you will 
let him know that we will not part with the other half but keep 
it. These things makes us constantly uneasic in our minds, .and 
we desire you will take care that we may keep our land for our- 

At a Meeting between Governour Denny George Croghan Esq' 
Sir William Johnson's Deputy, and sundrey Six Nations and other 
Indians held at Lancaster in May 1757, a coppy of the proceed- 
ings of which lays before the Board of Trade. There is a speech 

they I 






(( > 


ind other 
I proceec\- 
a speech 



of the Six Nations bearing date Thursday 19"> May from the 
whole letter and speech of which it appears that the Six Nations 
have been, and are very far from that satisfaction of mind, with 
the conduct of the Province of Pensilvania which the Proprietors 
boast of and found their challenge upon. 

The Proprietors are further pleased to add to their challenge 
this assertion, that the Six Nations will readily acknowledge the 
truth of it in any free conference. 

As the truth of this assertion can depend only upon a Contin- 
gent event, Sir William Johnson begs leave to be of a very 
different opinion, and from a variety of circumstances is well 
perswaded the Six Nations never will be reconciled to the conduct 
of the Proprietors, their Deputies and Agents unless the deed of 
the Albany purchase be surrendered and the claims founded there- 
upon in a great measure given up. 

The Proprietors say they cannot conceive that the last purchase 
made of land to the Westward of Susquehanna could possibly be 
the Cause of the hostilities committed by the Indians living on that 
River &c*. 

Sir William Johnson gave it as his opinion that the hostilities 
which Pensilvania had suffered from some of the Indians living on 
the Susquehanna did in some measure arise from the large pur- 
chase made by the Governour two years ago. 

This is the point to be proved and more then this it is appre- 
hended will be proved by the following Quotations from authen- 
tick Records & Papers. 

" Before the year 1742 the Delaware Indians complained that 
they were defrauded out of some lands or not paid for them. 

" It is well known that the purchase made at Albany in 1754 
gave a great uneasiness to the Susquehana Indians and from the 
time the County Surveyor began to survey Juniatta, and up the 
Susquehana : The Delewars, Shawanese and Nanticokes then 
settled on the River began to remove farther back, some to 
Tirjahoga some to Ohio. 

" The Ohio Indians at a Meeting with M' Wiser (the Pensilvania 
Interpreter) at Aughwick, after the defeat of Col" Washington 
asked M"f Wiser how those Lands came to be sold. He said in 

! m :'^ 

fit ■ (,. ll 





answer that the Six Nations hat] only made over their right of sale, 
and taken an earnest piece, and that when the lands cnme to be 
settled, that they should receive a consideration for them. At thi 
same time John Schecelany, a Deleware Indian, burned some 
houses that were built on Penns creek (below Shamokin on the 
West side) and said there should be no plantations made on their 
hunting grounds, and all the Indians at Shamokin seemed very 
uneasie, and indeed obliged the Surveyor to come away, and quit 

In the Spring of 1756. Governour Morris sent several messages 
with Belts and strings of Wampum by an Onondaga Indian to the 
Five Nations, amongst which is the following just and remarkable 

^' That he found by woful experience that making purchases of 
Lands was the cause of much blood having been shed, he was 
determined therefore to buy no more." 

As a Confirmation of Sir William Johnsons said opinion he 
refers himself to the following extract from Margaret Williams 
deposition who was a prisoner amongst the Delaware Indians, 
sworn before him the 8"» day of September 1756. 

*' The said Margaret says she often heard the Indians say f>nd 
declare most solemnly they never would leave off killing the 
English as long as there was an Englishman living on their lands 
that they were determined to drive them all off their lands, naming 
Minisinck almost to the North River East, (in the provinces of 
New York & Jersey) also Bethlehem and the lands in parallel to 
it West which the English cheated them out of." 

In further support to hiit opinion Sir William Johnson refers 
himself to the Treaty Governour Denny held with Tedinscung the 
Delaware Chief at Easton last autumn, and which is before the 
Board of Trade 

Sir William Johnson also refers himself to the Extract from a 
Speech of the Six Nations to Gov' Denny and M' Croghan (before 
mentioned in these Remarks) in answer to their earnest call upon 
the Six Nations to assign if they knew the Cause of the hostilities 
and Discontents of the Susquehana Indians. 

















ses of 
e was 

ion he 

oy ?nd 
ing t*»c 
it lands 
inces of 
ralWl to 

in refers 
;ung the 
Ifore the 

from a 

call upon 

The Indian proceedings this Summer which past at Easton 
between Governo' Denny, Mr Croghan & the sundry Indians 
therein mentioned, & which Sir William Johnson transmits here- 
with to the Right Honourable the Lords of Trade puts beyond 
dispute and demonstrates the Truth of v Sir William Johnson 
gave as his opinion in his aforesaid letter to the Lords of Trade 
and he apprehends it doth very fully evidence the conclusions of 
belief he then drew from that opinion. 

Lastly Sir William Johnson refers himself to the following 
Extract from the examination of John Morris of Lancaster County, 
who was taken by, and made his escape from, the Delaware 
Indians sworn before him 27^'* August 11611. 

The Examiiiant says he often heard the Delawares say that the 
reason of their quarrelling with and killing the English in that 
part of the country was on account of their lands which the people 
of Pensilvania Government cheated them out of, and drove them 
from their settlement at Shamokin by crowding upon them, and 
by that means spoiled their hunting and that the people of Mini- 
sinck used to make the Indians always drunk whenever they traded 
with them and then cheated them out of their furs and skins, also 
wronged them with regard to their lands. This he has heard 
from many of the chief and oldest men amonf^st them both in 
the English and the Delaware Language which he sufficiently 

The Proprietors say, that as the Six Nations are not well satisfied 
with the sale of those lands on the Ohio, they are willing to waive 
that part of the Treaty provided &c». 

As Sir William Johnson has never seen the deed of sale for the 
Albany purchase, he cannot to his knowledge tell how far the 
purchase extends, but he hath in his possession a Report of several 
Indian Transactions, relative to the Government of Pensilvania 
signed by George Croghan Esq<^ who was for several years em- 
ployed as an Indian Agent by that Government, in which Report 
M' Croghan says as follows : — 

" I never understood from any of the Six Nations that they 
<*«ei»ed the Lands west of the Susquehana as a purchase, but 

■1/ ■ ■. 

I' ' 1 

i ■ 

i ■ ■ '- 

if ' 


■ 1 

■ ; ' 

5 i Ci 

1 ' i 

^ ' !! 

' 1 



r^iiker as a tieed of Trust and rec'^ 1000 DoUajv u an Earnest 
Price and looked on it that when the lands came to be settled 
th«> should veceive the Consideration and the Commissioners who 
w^re sent from Pensilvania to make that purchase at Albany in 
1754, viz' M Norria 6o M Peters, with the Inteipreter M' Wiser 
h»ve repeatedly acknowledged to me, that the Land West of 
Mllegany Mountaint croee to Lake Erie wu included in the deed 
of 1754, that it was neither jpmrcha»e4 nor paid /or, and vtMfh 
toUl t^ftear ky a primtt Conference in Mr. Peters^s handa at the 
time of signing?^ 

Certainly the proprieters are not apprized of the ftict here 
asserted or they would not have made an offer to relinquish Land 
they have never purchased, nor allowed it to have been put in a 
deed of sale. 

In answer to Sir William Johnson's opinion about the Govern- 
ment of Pensilvania raising Forces and building Forts on the 
Sus^uehana River ^ 

« The Proprietors say this Insinuation is without any sort of 
Foundation, as it never would have been attempted had not the 
Chiefs of the Indis^s living on the Susquehannah and Delaware 
R|ver op their own Motion entirely desired they should be built 
at ShaiQokin and qear Wyoming^ fbr their own security. 

" In this the Proprietors must certainly be misinformed for none 
Qf the Indians on Susquehanna or Delaware ever requested any 
Forts to be built there. Indeed after the defeat of General 
Braddock, Scarayade, Cayseuntenego, and two or three more 
Ohio Indians who had left their country on the first approach of 
thp French in the year 1763 did desire the Government of 
Pensilv* to build a Fort at Shamokin, in order to protect their 
iiitere^t with the Susquehanna Indians, but the request of those 
four or five dispossessed Indians can never be fairly construed as 
an authprity of application from the Six Nations, or any other 
Bodies of Indians. However this request for a Fort was not 
complied with at that time." 

In a Message which Sir William Johnsoii received the 23' May 
1756 from the Onondaga Indians they say ^ follows: — 

Mi ■ : f *^,i .;■ 





23* May 

. " Tell our BvetbcF fuitker t^t sinew we took \h» ImWhct out 
of tht hiuiids of the Dclawavu and Sliawiin98« tKey have told im 
there is an army of the English coming against tUvMy {Huty lotiin 
the Provincial Troops of Pensilvania under Colonel Clnpham) 
and that they think it unreasonable and unnatural for us to hold 
them in our arms, and preventing them defcndini^ themaelvei 
when People are just on their backs to destroy them. 

" We are informed the English are building a Fort at Shamokin. 
We can't comprehend the method of making War which Is made 
use of by our Bretheren the English. When we go to war our 
manner is to destroy a Nation and there's an End of it. But the 
English chiefly regard building Forts which looks as if their only 
scheme was to take Possession of the Lands." 

Here is an evident Proof of the jealousy which the Pensil- 
yania levies and Fort building occasioned and a strong hint 
of the Ends intended by them, as it stood in the minds of the 

Sir William Johnson well knowing how extreamly tender the 
Indians in general are, with regard to Forts, near to their country 
or hunting grounds and naturally judging a Body of Armed Men, 
to support as it were the building of those, at a time, and in 
places where he had many reasons to believe the neighbouring 
Indians (as it hath since fully appeared) were dissatisfied with the 
Government on the score of Lands, and Encroaching by their 
purchases on their hunting grounds, and crowding too near upou 
them by their extended settlements he judged this conduct in the 
Government of Pensilvania was impolitick, and he must beg 
leave to be still of the same opinion, and as he looked upon those 
proceedings to be contrary to the true interest of the Community) 
he did suspect they were pushed forward upon other motives. 

And to conclude, unless the Province of Pensilvania is both 
able and willing to maintain their land pretentions by force of 
Arms against the Indians, Sir William Johnson hath not altered 
his opinion but doth with yet stronger degree of conviction than 
formerly, humbly offer his conception of the matter in the same 
words as before. Namely, ^' that the most effectual method of 
producing tranquility to that Province would be a Voluntary and 


f fi^ 


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open Surrender of that Deed of Salej to fix with the I&diani u 
the best mtnner they can^ the boundi for their lettlementa, and 
make them Ouarantiea to it." 

NoTB.— See further on this lubject, J%* Sut^hannah TUh 
Stated and Examined in a Seriu qf Jfimhertfirtt jmblieked in 
Me Wutem Star and note Re-publitKed, 4rc CataldU; by Bfackay 
Crofwell. 1796. 












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[Paris Doo. X,] 

A large ttUtoW dJT Imquoig Sat&geti Wlhg declared their 
ti^illitighiesk to embrace Ohrii^ianity) it has been proposed to 
esttiblish ti Missiob in the neighbourhood of Fort Frontenat. 
Abb6 I'iequ^t, a tedious Missionary in "whom the nations have 
tf^inced taudh confidence has takcsn chstgB of it, and of testing) 
as much as possible what reliance is to be placed on the dispoti- 
Abtts of the Infliuis.'* 

Kev^thel^ss, tfs lilt de la Gallisonni^re had temarked in the 
uibHth of Octdber, one thousand seven hundred and forty eight, 
that too much dependence ought not to be placed dn them, fft. 
da la Jonquilgffe was written to, on the fburth df May one thou- 
Siind s^ven hundred and forty nine, that he should neglect nothing 
fbr the formation of this establishment, because if it at sQl 
succeeded it Wduld ndt be difficult to give the Indians to under- 
stand thtlt'the only means they had to relieve themselves of the 
pretensions of the English to their lands is the destruction of 
Chdueguen which they founded solely with a view to bridle these 
iTatibns ; but it Was necessary to be prudent and circumspedt to 
induce the Savages to undertake it. 

31it gber 1749. Mr. de la JonquiSre sends a plan drawn by 
^ieur Ae Lery Of the ground selected by the AbbS Ticqucft fdr his 
Mission and a letter from that Ahh6 cbntainirig a Relation of his 
voydge and the situation of the ptece. 

1 Th« following ExtrMt frdm Paris Doe. X., rumiihei the UattWthe 'AMx 
Picquet'8 departare to establi^ his colony on the Oswegatehie River ^—" 30 Stft. 
1748. The Abb6 Picquet departs from Quebec for Fort Frontenac; heis to look 
in the neighbourhood of that Fort, for a locatiota beM adapted for a ViUige for 
the Iroquois of the Five Nations who propose to embrace Christianity." 

^ i\ 





He says he left the fourth of May of last year with twenty-five 
Frenchmen and four Iroquois Indians; he arrived the thirtieth at 
the River de la Prutntationy called Soegatzy. The land there b 
the finest in Canada. There is Oak timber in abundance^ and 
trees of a prodigious size and height, but it will be necessary) for 
the defence of the settlement, to fell them without permission. 
Picquet reserved sufficient on the land he had cleared to build a bark. 

He then set about building a store house to secure his effects ; 
he, next, had erected a small fort of pickets and he will have a 
small house constructed which will serve as a bastion. 

Sieur Picquet had a special interview with the Indians ; they 
were satisfied with all he had done ; and assured him they were 
willing to follow his advice and to immediately establish their 
village. To accomplish this, they are gone to regulate their \ 
affairs and have promised to return with their provisions. 

The situation of this post is very advantageous ; it is on the 
borders of the River de la Presentation^ at the head of all the 
rapids, on the west side of a beautiful basin formed by that river, 
capable of easily holding forty or fifty barks. 

In all parts of it there has been found at least two fathoms and 
a half of water and often four fathoms. This basin is so located 
that no wind scarcely can prevent its being entered. The bank 
is very low in a level country the point of which runs far out. 
The passage across is hardly a quarter of a league, and all the 
canoes going up or down, cannot pass elsewhere. A fort on this 
point would be impregnable ; it would be impossible to approach, 
and nothing commands, it. The east side is more elevated, and 
runs by a gradual inclination into an Amphitheatre. A beautiful 
town could hereafter be built there. 

This post is, moreover, so much the more advantageous as the 
English and Iroquois can easily descend to Montreal by the River 
de la Presentation which has its source in a lake bordering on the 
Mohawks and Corlar. If they take possession of this River they 
will block the passage to Fort Frontenac and more easily assist 
Choueguen. Whereas by means of a Fort at the Point, it would 
be easy to have a force there in case of need to despatch to 

i ■:"■>'■ * ■ .; 




Choueguen and to intercept the Engliih and Indians who may 
want to penetrate into the Colony, and the voyage to MiMilimak- 
inac could be made in safety. 

• Moreover^ this establishment is only thirty-five leaguei from 
Montreal ; twenty-five from Fort Frontenac and thirty-three from 
Choueguen ;' a distance sufficient to remove the Indians from the 
disorders which the proximity of Forts and Towns ordinarily 
engenders among them. It is convenient for the reception of the 
Lake Ontario, and more distant, Indians. 

Abb6 Picquet's views are to accustom these Indians to raise 
Cows, Hogs and Poultry ; there are beautiful prairieS) acorni and 
wild oats. 

On the other hand it can be so regulated that the batteaux 
carrying goods to the posts, may stop at La Presentation. The 
cost of freight would become smaller ; men could be found to 
convey those batteaux @ fifteen to twenty livres instead of forty- 
five and fifty livres which are given for the whole voyage. Other 
batteaux of La Presentation would convey them farther on, and 
the first would take in return plank, boards and other timber, 
abundant there. This timber would not come to more than twelve 
® fifteen livres, whilst they are purchased at sixty-eight livres at 
Montreal and sometimes more. Eventually this post will be able 
to supply Fort Frontenac with provisions which will save the 
King considerable expense. ^ 

The Abb6 Picquet adds in his letter, that he examined in his 
voyage the nature of the rapids of the Fort Frontenac river, 
very important to secure to us the possession of Lake Ontario on 
which the English have an eye. The most dangerous of those 
rapids, in number fourteen, are the Trou (the Hole) and the 
Buisson (the Thicket). AbbS Picquet points out a mode of 
rendering tlus River navigable ; and to meet the expense he 
proposes a tax of ten livres on each canoe sent up and an ecu 
(fifty cents) on each of the crew, which according to him will 
produce three thousand livres, a sum sufficient for the workmen. 

1 Ogdensburg^ is 105 miles from Montreal; 60 from Kingttoa, Can., and abont 
90 from Oswego. The distances laid down in the Text are rery aeourate, ooui- 
derinf the time and the circnmstaneea. : Mi^ ' 

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WMMJt nrrTLmirr at ooDonrMoMH. 

Mefci" d« la JdnquiMre fend Bi((Ot remai^ thM tkcy find (hif 
^■ttblifhment neccmiy ba w«ll aa the erection of a aaw-mill^M it 
will diminiih the expense in the purchftM of timber ; biit as regaffdr 
the lUpids'they will tferify them hi order to ascertain if in fact 
the riTer can beirenderednatigable and they will send ah ciliiBiiAe 
•f the works. 

They hate ciusted fif« oahnfon of two pound calibre to be sdnt 
to the Abb6 Pic<{tt«t for his little foirt so as to i^ve oonfidenca to 
his Indians and to penuade than that they will be in iecvrity 

M. da la JonqaiiSrb in particular says, he Hi^illiee if tht pir6- 
prietora of batteaux would contribute to the expense necessity to 
be iHcUrred for the Rapids j but he aiks th&t convicts froiathe 
j^alleya oir |>«ople out^of nt'ork {gen^ inutile$) be aebt every yaar 
to him to iiultivate thie grouhd. He ia in Want of meh, and the 
fti^'ba has Mndthif^ Mimgcs. 

Ut 8ber, 1740. Mr. Bigot also eenda a special metaloir of the 
expense incurred by Abb6 Pic()uet for im|)rbvem#nts(d</ricAefnMM) 
Wftouhting to' three thoiksand four hundred and eighty five liT^es 
t^n aous.* ProTisions were lalao furnished him for hhnatelf Hifd 
worlmteto, and this atttleihent is only cbmmenced. M. de la 
ilbnqUi^re'CJannot dispense wiih sending an officer there and^iofne 
'ioldiefs. Sieur de la Morandidrc, Enginie<er, ift to be sent thefe 
this winter to draw out a plan of quarters for these soldiers ahd 
a- store for provisions. If there be not fei garrison at thit post, a 
^emiiiderable folreign tradie will be carried on therb. 

7th 9«dr i*fi^. Since all tbesie letters M. de la Jonqui^re has 
^tt^n tmothcr in Which he litates that M. de Longueuil ihformed 
'btm timt a'bahd of Savages bilievfed to be Mohawks had attfeiokcd 
'Sieor Picquet's Mission on the 'twenty-sixth Of October laat^thht 
•Siettr de Vassaiu, commandant of Port Frontenac, bad sent a de- 
tachment thither wfaic^ could not prevent the barning of two ves- 
' iMts loaded with hay and thepalteades^f the fort. Abb6Pici|ilat^ 
hoaiie atone was aaVed. 

The IC'Ss by this fire is considerable. It would have been greater 
were it not for four Abenakis who furnished on this occasion a 

1 Equal to ^imja. 




lauon ft 



froof of Umv fi(l«li«7. Tlw maa named PcrdMauz hU katf <ke 
kaad earned aw&/, Hii arm had to be cut off. Ooa of 4ha Ak*' 
Rikia vecaivfd the diachaifa of a pm tka Iball of wttch MaaiMd 
la kit blanket. 

M. da LongaauU baa pvorided evary tbing aecenaiy. M. 4% 
la JonquiAre gave bin ordera to bare a detachment of teaiaaidiar i 
aent there) and he will tak§ meaaurea, next springi to aecure that 
poft. M. de la Jonquiire adda that the Savagea were inatigated 
to this attack by the English. The Iroquois who were on a com- 
plimentary visit at Montreal were avrpiiaed at it and aasured M. 
da Longueuil that it oould only be Colonel cimson (Johnson'!] 
who coald have induced them. He omitted nothing to persuade 
those aaroe Iroquois to undertake this expedition and to pvettnt 
them going to oompUment the Goreraori having offered Ihcpk 
Belta which they refused. 


[Und. Doe. XZNE.] 

The next thing of consequence he (an Indian Sachem) tdd oe 
waS) that he had heard from several Indiana that the Gover- 
nor had given orders to the Priest who is now settled below 
Cadaraqui to use all means possible to induce the five Nations ,to 
settle there; for which end they have a large magazine of all kinds 
of clothing fitted for Indians as also Arms, Ammunition Provision 
&c which they distribute very liberally. 


* [Lond. Doe. XXXin.1 

The Onnondagas and Oneidas are in the neighbourhood of "Swe- 
gatchie a French settlement on the River St. Lawrence, whither 
numbers of those two Nations have of late years been debauched 
and gone to live. T3io' oor Indiana do not now resort to 



i j, 

'k< ■ 

I; i . 






those places as frequently and familiarly as they formerly did, yet 
some among them do occasionally visit there, when the French 
' and the Iiidians in their interest poison the minds of ours with 
stories not only to the disadvantage of our good intentions towards 
them, hut endeavour to frighten them with pompous accounts of 
the superior prowess and martial abilities of the French. . itt 


[Abridged from Lettres Edifiantes et Curieusea, XIY.] 
Fkancois Pioquet, doctor of the Sorbonne, King's Missionary 
and Prefect Apostolic to Canada was born at Bourg in Bresse on 
the 6^>> December, 1708 ... As early as the seventeenth 
year of his age, he successfully commenced the functions of a 
missionary in his country and at twenty years the Bishop of Sinope, 
Suffragan of the Diocese of Lyon, gave him, by a flattering 
exception, permission to preach in all the parishes of Bresse and 
Franche-Comt6 which depended on his diocese. The enthusiasm 
of his new state rendered him desirous to go to Rome, but the 
Archibishop of Lyons advised him to study theology at Paris. 
He followed this advice and entered the Congregation of Saint 
Sulpice. The direction of the new converts was soon proposed to 
him ; but the activity of his zeal induced him to seek a wider 
field, and led him beyond the seas in 1733, to the Missions of North 
America where he remained thirty years, and where his constitu- 
tion debilitated by labor, acquired a force and vigor which secured 
for him a robust health to the end of his life. ^ 

M. Picquet was among the first to foresee the war which sprung 
up about 1742 between the English and the French. He pre- 
pared himself for it a long time beforehand. He began by draw- 
ing to his Mission (at the Lake of the Two Mountains) all the 
French scattered in the vicinity, to strengthen themselves and 
afford more liberty to the savages. These furnished all the 
necessary detachments ; they were continually on the frontiers to 
spy the enemy's movements. M. Picquet learned, by one of these 
detachments that the English were making warlike preparations 
.at Sarasto [Saratoga 1] and were pushing their settlements up to 




I sprung 
iHe pre- 
ly draw- 
I all the 
Ives and 
all the 
Intiers to 
1 of these 
fits up to 

Lake St. Sacrement. * He informed the General of the circum- 
stance and proposed to him to send a hody of troops there at 
least to intimidate the enemy, if we could do no more. The ex- 
pedition was formed. M. Picquet accompanied M. Marin who 
commanded this detachment. They burnt the fort, the Lydius 
establishments,' several saw mills, the planks, boards and other 
building timber, the stock of supplies, provisions, the herds of 
cattle along nearly fifteen leagues of settlement and made one 
hundred and forty-five prisoners without having lost a single 
Frenchman or without having any even wounded. ^ This expedition 
alone prevented the English undertaking any thing at that side 
during the war. 

Peace having been re-established in 1748, our Missionary occu- 
pied himself with the means of remedying, for the future, the in- 
conveniences which he had witnessed. The road he saw taken 
by the Savages and other parties of the enemy sent by the 
English against us, caused him to select a post which could, 
hereafter, intercept the passage of the English. He proposed to 
M. de la Galissonidre to make a settlement of the Mission of La 
Presentation^ near Lake Ontario, an establishment which succeded 
beyond his hopes, and has been the most useful of all those of 
Canada.." .\\i:c>h.r- '■■'/,'■- h.-- .■'■'■■ '' '-/■■■■■>--' 

Mr. Rouill6, Minister of the Marine wrote on the 4t'» May 1749; 
*'A large number of Iroquois having declared that they were desirous 
of embracing Christianity, it has been proposed to establish a Mis- 
sion towards Fort Frontenac in order to attract the greatest number 
possible thither. It is Abb4 Picquet, a zealous Missionary and in 
whom these Nations seem to huve confidence, who has been en- 

1 *< I am building a Fort at thia Lake which the French call Lake St. Sacrement, 
bat I have given it the name of Lake George, not only in honour to his Majesty 
bat to aacertain his undoubted dominion here." Sir William Muuon to the Board 
qf Trade, Sept. 3d, 1755. Land. Doe. xxxii., ITS. 

2 Now Fort F4ward, Washington County. 

3 "I received an account on the 19th inst., by express from Albany, that a 
party of French and their Indians had cut off a settlement in this Province called 
Saraghtoge, about fifty miles from Albany, and that about twenty houses with a 
Fort (which the publick would not repair) were burned to ashes, thirty persons 
killed and scalped and about sixty taken prisoners. Ckm. ClUtton to tht Board, 30 
Mw. 1745. Lo»d.Doe.xxriU,l«J,236. 

< ,„ 

I »i 



l^ 1 


MABhY ■mxBaaunr at ocnBmBinMiB. 

troBted with thii negotiation. He was lo bate g«ne lost yeUy to 
select a suitable site for the establishment of the Mission, and 
verify as precisely as was possible what can be depended upott 
relative to the (Sispositions of these same nations. In a letter of 
the 5^^ October last, M. de la Gallisonni^re stated that though an 
entire confidence cannot be placed in those th 'y have manifestcd| 
it is notwithstanding of so much importance to succeed in dividiBg 
theoi) that nothing must be neglected that can contribute to it. 
It is for this reason that His Majesty desires you shall prodttcttte 
the design of the proposed settlement. If it coald attsdn ai certain 
success, it would not be difficult then to make the savages under- 
stand that the only means of extricating themselves hojgk the 
pretensions of the English to them and their luidS) is to destfoy 
Choueguen,' so te to deprive them thereby of a Post whitk flisy 
established chiefly with a view to control their tribes, l^is des- 
truction is of such great importance, both as regards our possessions 
and the attachment of the savages and their Trade, that it is ptoptt 
to ure every means to engage the Iroquois to vmdertake it. This 
is actually the only means that can be employed, but you must 
feel that it requires much prudence and circumspection.'' 

Mr. Picquet eminently possessed the qualities requisite to effMl 
the removal of the English from our neighbourhood. Thersfws 
the General, the Intendant, and the Bishop deferred absolutely 
to him in the selection of the settlement for this new Mission, attd 
despite the efforts of those who had opponte interests, he was 
entrusted with the undertaking. 

The Fort of La Presentation is situated at 303 deg. 40 mtn. 
T ongitude, and at 44 deg. 50 min. Latitude on the Presentation 
River, which the Indians name Soegasti; thirty leagues above 
Mont-Real ; fifteen leagues from Lake Ontario or Lake Frontenao, 
which with Lake Champlain gives rise to the River St. Laurence; 
]5 leagues west of the source of the River Hudson which falls 
into the sea at New York. Fort Frontenac had been built near 
there in 1671, to arrest the incursions of the English and the 
Iroquois ; the bay served as a port for the Mercantile and Military 
Marine which had been formed there on that sort of sea where the 

1 Oswegd* 




m tli« 

M dea- 

t. Thii 


jion, a«»d 
U was 

40 m^* 
ics above 

Ibich falls 

milt near 

and the 

|d Military 

where the 




the ocean. But 
aportant, because 
rarely, 'he barks 
ads, the lands are 
I advantageously, 
ition to recondle 
,0 inhabit between 
jBeauharnois and 
il of New France, 
p^ci^lly at a ti^ne 
^ years, sought to 

1 .' '. 

)ony, bjBQau^e ih^^ 

\d not pass e^fe- 

Q^ \irhen coming 

i and the Micis- 

wSi it eventually 

fi diEit^nee oJT onfi 

(traders, notyrith- 

imerical. f^nvy 

iieen for th^ firm- 

i Admioistsation. 

Imfort the Posts 

H Canoes for the 

itructed there at 

ler is in greater 

M. Picquet had 

anufacturing the 

itant settlement 

I for Europeans 

very convenient 

inada. iqnKff f"? 

' mechanics and 

ireat security as 

(vailed him ever 

lort of palisades, 

iven. He had 


\ if 


.1 ') 

I w 



> c 




trusted with thit i 
select a suitable 
verify as precise! 
relative to the cB: 
the 6ti> October 1 
ODitire confidence 
it is notwithstanc 
tliemy that nothi 
It is for this reas 
the design of the 
success, it would! 
stand that the o 
pretenmons of th^ 
Ghouegucn,' so i 
establidied cbiefl] 
and the attachme) 
to ufe every me 
is actually the 
feel that it requi 
Mr. Picquet ei 
the removal of tt 
the General, thei 
to him in the sell 
despite the e£forl 
entrusted with tl| 

The Fort of 
I ongitude, and 
• River, which t! 
Mont-Real ; fift 
which with Lak 
15 leagues west 
into the sea at I 
there in 1671, 
Iroquois j the ba 
Marine which hi 



^i, '^ ^* 



■■. I 


a ho 



tempests are a^ frequent find ^ dangerous as on the ocean. But 
thf Post of Ja Pre^en,tation appeared still more important, because 
the h^rboiMT i|i very gpod,, th^ river freezes there rarely, the barks 
dUi le^^ve with northern^ easterifi s^nd southern winds, the lands are 
excellent, s^d that quarter c^q be fortified ^^ost advantageously. 

Besides, thai Mis^i,on was adapted by its situation to reconcile 
to, us the Iroquois sa,y^9S of the Five Nations who inhabit between 
yirgioia 9,Ti4 l^aV^ Oi^t^io. The; |ilarqtus of Beauharnois and 
afterwards M: de 1^ Jonqw^re, Qavernor Qen^ral of ^ew France, 
w«re very desirous that we should Qocupy it, e^p^ci^lly at a tiine 
when iJnglish jealousy irritated by a wax of npany year«, sought to 
alienate fron) us the IVihfs of Canada; 

Tbi^ e«li9UUshiaent w{« as if the key of \hfi Colony, because th« 
English} French and Upper Oan?tda wvages could 9Qt pass 9\^er 
where than under the cannon of' Fort Presentation when coming 
down from the South ; the Iroquois to the Somth and the Mieis- 
sagu^ to the North were within its reach. Thusi it eventut^Uy 
succeeded in collecting them together from over a distance o| on^ 
hundred leagues. The officers, interpreters aqd traders, notwith- 
stjanding, then regarded that establishment as chimerical. £nvy 
and opposition had effected its failure hfid it not been for the firm- 
ness of the Abb6 Picquet supported by that of the Admioistsation. 
This establishment served to protect, aid, and comfort the Posts 
already erected on Lake Ontario. The Barks and Canoes for the 
Transportation of the King's effects could be constructed there at 
a third less expense than elsewhere because timber is in greater 
quantity and more accessible, especially when M. Picquet h&d 
had a saw mill erected there for preparing and manufacturing the 
timber. In fine he could establish a very impoitant settlement 
for the French Colonists and a point of reunion for Europeans 
and savages, where they would find themselves very convenient 
to the hunting and fishing in the upper part of Canada. 

M. Picquet left with a detachment of soldiers, mechanics and 
some savages. He placed himself at first in as great security as 
possible against the insults of the enemy, which availed him ever 
since. On the 20ti> October 1749, he had built a Fort of palisades, 
a house, a bam, a stable, a redoubt and an oven. He had 





til .1 


landls cleared for the savages. His improvements were estimated 
as thirty to forty thousand livresy hut he introduced as much 
judgment as economy. He animated the -workmen and they 
laboured from three o'clock in the morning until nine at night. 
As for himself his disinterestedness was extreme. He received at 
that time neither allowance nor presents ; he supported himself by 
his industry and credit. From the King he had but one ration of 
two pounds of bread and one half pound of pork, which made the 
savages say, when they brought him a Buck and some Partridges, 
'< We doubt not. Father, but that there have been disagreeable 
expostulations in your stomach, because you have had nothing but 
pork to eat. Here's something to put your affairs in order." The 
hunters furnished him wherewithal to support the Frenchmen, and 
to treat the Generals occasionally. The savages brought him trout ^ 
weighing as many as eighty pounds. v- 

When the Court had granted him a pension He employed it only *) 
for the benefit for bis establishment. At first, he had six heads 
of families in 1749, eighty-seven the year following, and three 
hundred and ninety-six in 1751. All these were of the most J 
antient and most influential families, so that this Mission was,' 
from that time sufficiently powerful to attach the Five Nations to 
us, amounting to twenty-five thousand inhabitants, and he reck-<( 
oned as many as three thousand in his Colony. By attaching the 
Iroquois Cantons to France and establishing them fully in our 
interest, we were certain of having nothing to fear from the other 
savage tribes and thus a limit could be put to the ambition of the 
English. Mr. Picquet took considerable advantage of the peace 
to increase that settlement, and he carried it in less than four 
years to the most desirable perfection, despite of the contradictions 
that he had to combat against ; the obstacles he had to surmount ; 
the jibes and unbecoming jokes which he was obliged to bear ; but 
his happiness and glory suffered nothing therefrom. People saw 
with astonishment several villages start up almost at once ; a 
convenient, habitable and pleasantly situated fort ; vast clearances 
covered almost at the same time with the finest maize. More than 
five hundred families, still all infidels, who congregated thei<;, 
toon rendered this settlement the most beautiful, the most chariu 



J: I 






I of 





, and 


[ most 
a was, 
ions to 
B reck- 
ing tbe 
in our 
,e otber 
of tbe 
Ian four 
rinount ; 
jar ; but 
)ple sa-w 
lonce ; a 
;ore than 
;d ther«;, 
5t cbar» 

ing and the most abundant of the Colony. Depending on it were 
La Presentation, La Oalette, Suegatzi, L'isle au Oalop, and L'isle 
Picquet in the River St. Lawrence. There were in the Fort, seven 
small stone guns and eleven four to six pounders. 

The most distinguished of the Iroquois families were distributed 
at La Presentation in three villages : that which adjoined the 
French fort contained, in 1754, forty- nine bark cabins some of 
which were from sixty to eighty feet long and accommodated three 
to four families. The place pleased them on account of the abun- 
dance of hunting and fishing. This Mission could no doubt be 
increased, but cleared land sufficient to allow all the families to 
plant and to aid them to subsist would be necessary and each 

Tribe should have a separate location The 

Bishop of Quebec wishing to witness and assure himself personally 
of the wonders related to him of the establishment at La Presen- 
tation went thithei in 1749, accompanied by some Officers, royal 
interpreters. Priests from other Missions and several other cler- 
gymen, and spent ten days examining and causing the Catechu- 
mens to be examined. He himself baptized one hundred and 
thirty-two, and did not cease during his sojourn, blessing Heaven 
for the progress of Religion among these Infidels. 

Scarcely were they baptized when M. Picket determined to 
give them a form of Government, He established a Council of 
Twelve Ancients ; chose the most influential among the Five 
Nations ; brought them to Mont-Real where at the hands of the 
Marquis Du Quesne they took the Oath of Allegiance to the King 
to the great astonishment of the whole Colony where no person 
dared to hope for such an event. 

In the month of June 1751, M. Picquet made a voyage around 
Lake Ontario with a King's Canoe and one of Bark in which he 
had five trusty Savages, with the design of attracting some Indian 
families to the new settlement of La Presentation. There is a 
memoir, among his papers on the subject, from which it is pro- 
posed to give an extract. 

He visited Fort Frontenac or Cataracoui, situate twelve leagues 
west of La Presentation. He found no Indians there though it 
was formerly the rendezvous of the Five Nations. The bread and 


" tl 










milk) there, were bad ; they had not even brandy there to staunch 
a wound. Arrived at a point of Ltike Ontario called Kaoi, he 

found a runaway there from Virginia At the Bny 

of Quints he visited the site of the antieiit Mission which M. 
DoUiercs de Klcus and Abb6 D'Urf6, priests of the Saint Sulpice 
Seminary had establislied there. The quarter is beautiful but the 
land is not good. He visited Fort Toronto, seventy leagues fiom 
Fort Frontenac, at the West end of Lake Ontario. He found 
good Bread and good Wine there, and every thing requisite for 
the trade, whilst they were in want of these at all the other posts. 
He found Mississagues there who flocked around him ; they spoke 
first of the happiness their young people, (he women and child- 
ren would feel if the King would be as good to them as to the 
Iroquois for whom he procured Mls^i^jonaries. They complained 
tliat instead of building a church, they had constructed only a 
canteen for them. M. Picquet did not allow them to finish and 
answered them that they had been treated according to their fancy; 
that they had never evinced the least zeal for religion; that their 
conduct was much opposed to it ; that the Iroquois on the con- 
trary had manifested tii nr love for Christianity, but as he had no 
order to attract them to his Mission, he avoided a more lengthy 

He passed thence to Niagara. He examined the situation of 
that fort, not having any savages to whom he could spenk. It is 
well located for defence not being commanded from any point. 
The view extends to a gieat distance; they have the advantage 
of the landing of all the canoes and barks which Ir.nd an<l aie in 
safely there. But the rain was washing the soil away by degrees, 
notwithstanding the vast expence which the King incurred to 
sustain it. M. Picquet was of opinion that the space b(twc<n 
the land and the wharf might be filled in so a:? to support it and 
make a glacis there. This place was important as a Trading post 
and as securing possession of the Carrying place, Niagara and 
Lake Ontario. 

From Niagara, Mr. Picquet went to the Carrying place which is 
six leagues from that Post. He visited on the same day the famous 
Fall of Niagara by which the four Great Canada lakes dischaige 







j lhe 

mly a 
h and 
t their 
\e con- 
had no 

jtion of 
It is 
la ;\ve in 
lurred to 

Irt it and 
IVmg pf'st 

Igaia and 

J which is 
le famous 



themselves into Lake Ontnrio. This Cascade is os prodigious by 
its height and the quantity of water which falls thirt', as by the 
variety of its falls which are to the number of six principal ones 
divided by a small ishuid, leaving three to the North and three 
to the South. They produce of themselves a singular symmetry 
and wonderful effect. He measured the height of one of those falls 
from the south side, and he found it about one hundred and forty 
feet. ' The establishment at this Carrying place, the most important 
in a commercial point of view was the worst stocked. The Indians, 
who came there in great numbers, were in the best disposition to 
trade, but not finding what they wanted, they went to Choueguen 
or Choeguen [Oswego] at the mouth of the river of the same 
name. M. Picquet counted there as many as fifty canoes. There 
was notwithstanding at Niagara a Trading House where the Com- 
mandant and Trader lodged, but it was too small, and the King's 
property was not safe there. 

M. Picquet negotiated with the Senecas who promised to re- 
pair to his Mission and gave him twelve children as hostages, 
saying to him that their parents had nothing dearer to them and 
followed him immediately, as well as the Chief of the Little 

Rapid with all his family He set out with all those 

Savages to return to Fort Niagara. M. Chabert de Joncaire 
would not abandon him. At each place where they encountered 
camps, cabins and entrepots, they were saluted with musquetry by 
the Indians who never ceased testifying their consideration for 
the Missionary. M. Picquet took the lead with the Siivages 
of the hills ; Mess" Joncaire and Rigouille following with the 
recruits. He embarked with thirty-nine Sav.iges in his large 
canoe and was received on arriving at the fort with the greatest 
ceremony, even with the discharge of cannon wiiich greatly 
pleased the Indians. On the morrow he assembled the Senecas, 
for the first time, in the chapel of the Fort for religious services. 

M. Picquet returned along the south coast of Lake Ontario. 
Alongside of Choeguen, a young Seneca met her Uncle who was 
coming from his village with his wife and children. This young 

ii ) 

1 These arc French Teet. 
Burr's Atlas, Intro J. p. 31. 

The Tails on the American side ore 164 feet high.- 





i. :"'■ 

girl spoke so well to her Uncle, though she had but little know< 
ledge of Religion that he promised to repair to La Presentation 
early the following spiing, and that he hoped to gain over also 
seven other cabins of Senecas of which he was chief. Twenty- 
five leagues from Niagara he visited the River Gascouchagou ' 
where he met a number of Raitlesnakes. The young Indiana 
jumped into the midst of them and killed forty-two without 
having been bitten by any. 

He next visited the Fulls of this River. The first which 
appear in sight in ascending resemble much the great Cascade at 
Saint Cloud, except that they have not been ornamented and do 
not seem so high, but they possess natural beauties which render 
them very curious. The second, a quarter of a mile higher, are 
less conf .derable, yet are remarkable. The third, also a quarter 
of a league higher, has beauties truly admirable by its curtains 
and falls which form also, as at Niagara, a charming proportion 
and variety. They may be one hundred and some feet high.' In 
the intervals between the falls, there are a hundred little cascades 
which present likewise a curious spectacle ; and if the altitudes 
of each chute were joined together, and they made but one as at 
Niagara, the height would, perhaps, be four hundred feet ; but 
there is four times less water than at the Niagara Fall which will 
cause the latter to pass, for ever, as a Wonder perhaps unique 
in the World. 

The English to throw disorder into this new levy sent a good 
deal of brandy. Some savages did, in fact get drunk whom M. 
Picquet could not bring along. He therefore desired much that 
Choeguen were destroyed and the English prevented rebuilding 
it ; and in order that we should be absolutely masters of the south 
side of Lake Ontario, he proposed erecting a Fort near there at the 
bay of the Cayugas' which would make a very good harbour and 
furnish very fine anchorage. No place is better adapted for a Fort. 

He examined attentively the Fort of Choeguen, a post the most 
pernicious to France that the Enjrlish could erect. It was com- 

1 The Genesee River. In Belin'u Map of Partie Oceidentale de la Nouvtlle France 
17&5 (No. 992. W. C. State Lib.) it is described as a "River unknown to Geogra- 
phers, Ailed with Rapids and Waterfalls." 

2 The highest fall on the river is 105 feet. 3 SOdus bay. 








e at 

I ao 

, are 
,a In 
e as at 
X ; but 

Ich w»^^ 

la good 

lom M. 

|ch that 
le south 
^e at the 
)Our and 
Ir a Fort, 
jtbe most 
^as cotn- 

I to Geogra- 

naandcd almost from all sides and could be very easily approached 
in time of war. It was a two story very low buildint; ; decked 
like a ship and surmounted on the top by a gallery ; the whole was 
surrounded by a stone wall, flanked only with two bastions at the 
side towards the nearest hill. Two batteries each of three twelve 
pounders, would have been more than sufficient to reduce that 
establishment to ashes. It was prejudicial to us by the facility it 
afforded the English of communicating with all the tribes of 
Canada still more than by the trade carried on there as well by 
the French of the Colony as by the savages : for Chotiguen was 
supplied with merchandize adapted only to the French, at least as 
much as with what suited to the savages, a circumstance that 
indicated an illicit trade. Uad the Minister's orders been executed, 
the Cho(iguen trade at least with the savages of Upper Canada 
would be almost ruined. But it was necessary to supply Niagara) 
especially the Portage, rather than Toronto. The difference 
between the two first of these posts and the last is, that three or 
four hundred canoes could come loaded with furs to the Portage, 
and that no canoes could go to Toronto except those which cannot 
pass before Niagara and to Fort Frontenac, such as the Otaois of 
the head of the Lake {Fond du Lac) and the Mississagues ; so that 
Toronto could not but diminish the trade of these two antient 
posts, which woulil have been sufficient to stop all the savages 
had the stores been furnished with goods to their liking. There 
was a wish to imitate the English in the trifles they sold the sava- 
ges such a silver bracelets etc. The Indians compared & weighed 
them, as the storekeeper at Niagara stated, and the Choeguen 
bracelets which were found as heavy, of a purer silver and more 
elegant, did not cost them two beavers, whilst those at the King's 
posts wanted to sell them for ten beavers. Thus we were discre- 
dited, and this silver ware remained a pure loss in the King's 
stores. French brandy was preferred to the English, but that did 
not pi event the Indians going to ChoSguen. To destroy the 
Trade the King's posts ought to have been supplied with the same 
goods as Choeguen and at the same price. The French ought 
also have been forbidden to s^nd the domiciliated Indians thither : 
but that would have been very difficult. 


^ . '!| 





Mr. Picquet next returned to Frontenac. Never was a recep- 
tion mnre imposing. The Nipissings and Algonquins who were 
going to war with M. de Eellestre, drew up in a line of their 
own accord above Fort Frontenac where three standards were 
hoisted. They fired several volleys of musketry and cheered 
incessantly. They were answered in the same style from all the 
little craft of bark. M. de Verchere and M de la Valtrie caused 
the guns of the Fort to be discharged at the same time, and the 
Indians transported with joy at the honors paid them also kept up 
a continual fire with shouts and acclamations which made every 
one rejoice. The commandants and officers received our Missionary 
at the landing. No sooner had he debarked than all the Algon- 
quins and Nipissings of the Lake came to embrace him, saying 
that they had been told that the English had arrested him, and had 
that news been confirmed they would soon have themselves 
relieved him. Finally when he returned to La Presentation, 
he was received with that affection, that tenderness which children 
would experience in recovering a father whom they had lost. 

War was no sooner declared in 1754 than the new children of 
God, of the King and of M. Picquet, thought only of giving fresh 
proofs of their fidelity and valor, as those of the Lake of the Two 
Mountains had done in the war preceding. The generals were 
indebted to M. Picquet for the destruction of all the Forts as 
well on the river Corlac (Corlear) as on that of Choegiien. His 
Indians distinguished themselves especially at Fort George on 
Lake Ontario where the warriors of La Presentation alone with their 
bark canoes destroyed the English fl.'ct commanded by Capt. 
Beccan who was made prisoner with a number of others and that 
in sight of the French army, commanded by M. de Villiers who 
was at the Isle Galop. The war parties which departed and 
returned continually, filled the Mission with so many prisoners 
that their numbers frequently surpassed that of the warriors, 
rendering it necessary to empty the villages anil send them 
to Headquarters. In fine a number of other expeditions of which 
M. Picquet was the principal author have procured the promotion 
of several officers. . . . . . He frequently found himself 

in the vanguard when the King's troops were ordered to attack the 

















enemy. He distinguished himself particularly in the expeditions 
of Sarasto (Saiatoga), Lake Champlain, Pointe a la Chevelure 
(Crown Point), the CascHdes, Carillon (Ticonderoga) Choeguen 
(Oswego), River Corlac (Mohawk), Isle au Galop etc. The posts 
he estHblished for the King protected the Colony pending the en- 
tire war. M. du Quesne said that the Abb6 Picquet was worth 
more than ten regiiiicr.ts. 

In the month of May 1756 M. de Vaudreuil got M. Picquet to 
depute the Chiefs of his Missions to the Five Nations of SenecaS) 
Cayugas, Onontagu^s, Tuscaroras and Oneidas to attach them 
more and more to the French. The English had surprised and 
killed their nephews in the three villages of the Loups (Mohegans?) 
M. de Vaudreuil requested him to form parties which could suc- 
ceed each other in disquieting and harassing the English. In 
1758 he destroyed the English forts on the banks of CorlaC) 
but at length the battle of the 13 Sept. 1759, in which the Marquis 
of Montcalm was killed, brought ruin on Quebec and that of Ca- 
nada followed. When he saw all thus lost, M. Picquet ter- 
minated his long and laborious career by his retreat on the S*^ 
May 1760, with the advice and consent of the General, the 
Bishop and Intcndant, in order not to fall into the hands of the 
English. He had determined never to swear allegiance to another 

He pnssed to Michilimachina between Lake Huron and Lake 
Michigan ; proceeded thus by way of Upper Canada to the Illinois 
country &Louisiana, and sojourned twenty two months Lt New 
Orleans. On his return to France, he passed several years in 
Paris. A hernia which afflicted him a long time, having become 
aggravated, finally caused his death at Verjon on the 15t'> July 
1781. In his life time he was complimented with the title of 
" Apostle of the Iroquois." 



Note. — Fort la Presentation, with the River, under the names 
of Wegalchij Swegaichiy Oswegatckiy will be found laid down in 
the following Maps and Charts, viz' 

I f 




I ''i 

A Map of that part of America which was the principal seat 
of War in 1756, published in the Gentleman's Magazine for 
1767, Vol. xxvii. ; 

An Exact Chart of the River St. Lawrence from Fort Fron- 
tenac to the Island of Anticosti by Tho* JefTereys, London 
1775 ; with the River St. Lawrence from Quebec to Lake 
Ontario copied from D'Anvill's Map of 1755 j 
, Sauthiers Map of the Inhabited parts of Canada and Frontiers 
of New York, &c. London 1777 j 

Sauthiers Map of the Province of New York, Lond. 1779 and in 

Carte Generate des (14) Etats Unis de I'Amerique Septentrionale 
renfermant quelques Provinces Angloises adjacentes, being 
No. 30 in Atlas of Maps on America in State Lib. 

Reference to this settlement will be also found in Gent. Mag. 
xxiv, 593. It is sometimes, though corruptly, called Fort 



K '51- 


I f 



e for 



and in 
, being 

t. Mag. 
sd Fort 






/orl (DatDrgo, 



;< -ii 



OT 'f>« fi.,' !.( 


<.'// T/i':^-: 

't 1 r, >t^ 


/ ■!■:. 

3; J J' 


^uO'KI. ^>^ v«. A* 









I- rl 





[Lond. Ooo. XXII.] 

GoVi Burnet to the Board of Tradt. 

New York, Oct. 16, 1721. 

That I might improye their (the Indians') present good humor 
to the best advantage I have employed the five hundred pounds 
granted this year by the Assembly chiefly to the erecting and 
encouraging a settlement a Tirandaquet a Creek on the Lake 
Ontario about sixty miles on this side Niagara' whither there are 
now actually gone a company of ten persons with the approbation 
of our Indians and with the assurance of a sufficient number of 
themselves to live with them and be a guard to them against any 
surprize, and because the late President of the Council Peter 
Schuyler's son " first offered his service to go at the head of this 
expedition I readily accepted him and have made him several 
presents to Equip him and given him a handsome allowance for 
his own salary and a Commission of Captain over the rest that 
are or may be there with him and Agent to treat with the Indians 
from me for purchasing Land and other things which I the rather 
did that I might shew that I had no personal dislike to the family. 

This Company have undertaken to remain on this Settlement 
and that never above two shall be absent at once, and tho' these 
have the sole encouragement at present out of the public money 
yet there is nothing that hinders as many more to go and settle 
there or any where else on their own account as please. 

This place is indisputedly in the Indians possession and lies 
very convenient for all the far Indians to come on account of Trade 
from which the Frenih at Niagara will not easily hinder them 
because first it must be soon known and is against the Treaty and 
besides they may easily slip by them in canoes and get to this 

1. Ironilcquoit bay, Monroe Co. 2. M^jor Abraham Schuyler. 



'1.1 < 




* l\ 



i ' !■ 

place before the French can catch them in the pursuit if they 
should attempt to hinder them. 

This, my Lords is the beginning of a great Trade that may be 
maintained with all the Indians upon the Lakes and the cheapness 
of all our goods except Powder above the French will by degrees 
draw all that Trade to us which can not better appear than by the 
French having found it worth while to buy our Goods at Albany 
to sell again to the Indians. Wherefore to break that Practice 
more effectually I have placed a sufficient Guard of Soldiers on 
the Carrying Place to Canada and built a small Blockhouse there ^ 
with the remainder of the five hundred pounds before mentioned. 

As to Niagara I did write to the Governor of Canada to com- 
plain of all the unwarrantable steps he has taken and among others 
of his erecting a Blockhouse at Niagara before the Treaty of Limits 
had settled who it belong to ■ ' ' • 

I received his answer at Albany in which he flatly denies most 
of the Facts I complain of. ; .: ;( ^ • r- 

But as to Niagara he pretends possession for above fifty years 
first taken by M^ de la Sale. , >. 

lti\i'yy !>■•■ 


[Pari* Doc. VII.] 

Letter^ dated 22 May 1725. M. the Marquis of Yaudreuil writes 
that he received advice the 9^^ December that the English and the 
Dutch had projected an establishment at the mouth of the River 
Chouaguen on the borders of Lake Ontario and very near the post 
we have at Niagara. . »; 

The news of this establishment on soil always considered as 
belonging to France appeared to him the more important as he 
felt the difficulty of preserving the post of Niagara where there 
is no fort, should the English once fortify Chouaguen; and that in 
losing Niagara the Colony is lost and at the same time all the trade 
with the upper Country Indians, who go the more willingly to the 
English since they obtain goods there much cheaper and get as 

1. Now Fort Edward, originally Fort Lydius, Washington Co. 

A 1 




lay be 
by the 
liers on 
e there' 
to com- 
ng others 
of Limits 

jnies most 
fifty years 

reuil writes 
llish and the 
the River 
par the post 

Lnsidered as 
lortant as he 
Iwhere there 
Land that in 
] all the trade 
Ir and get as 
on Co. , 

much brandy as they like, which we cannot absolutely dispense 
furnishing the upper country Indians, though with prudence, if it 
be desirable to prevent them carrying their furs and surrendering 
themselves to the English. 

M. de Longueuil wrote in the month of February that the Iro- 
quois of the Sault had appointed four of their chiefs and one of 
the Lake of the Two Mountains to go to Orange to represent to 
the Dutch that they would not suffer their settling at Chouaguen 
and that they would declare war against them if they established 
themselves there. 

He repaired on the ice to Montreal on the 12 March where he 
received the confirmation of the news of the English, and learned 
that they and the Dutch had started with a great many canoes for 
Lake Ontario to make a settlement at the mouth of the River 
Choueguen in concert with the Iroquois ; that he was afraid he 
could not prevent it if they be supported by those Indians, to a 
war with whom, he knows, the King does not intend to expose 
himself. -'' ,^^::"'^ *■ , .'■ ■ "-v- •■•-* ■ /^r^'v , .;■-»"■■ 

The Indians of the Sault returned from Orange dissatisfied with 
their reception. He immediately despatched M, de Longueuil to 
the Iroquois and thence to Choueguen. He commanded him to 
induce the savages not to suffer this Establishment, and in case 
he could not prevail on them to oppose it openly, to persuade them 
to remain neuter and to suggest to them at the same time, that it 
is their interest to maintain us at Niagara or to consent to our 
building a more solid and secure house than the one that is there. 

In regard to the English he ordered M. de Longueuil, should 
he find them settled at Choueguen, to summon them to withdraw 
from their lands until the boundaries were regulated, failing which 
he should adopt proper measures to constrain them. 

Letter dated 10 June 1725. M. de Longueuil writes to him 
(M. Begon) from Fort Frontenac the ninth of May that there 
was no Trading Post as yet at Choueguen. 

Letter dated, 31 October, 1725. Mess" de Longueuil & Begon 
send particulars of said Sieur de Longueuil's voyage. He found 
' 00 English at the portage of the River, four leagues from Lake 
Ontario, with more than 60 canoes; that they made him exhibit his 

x : 

','i, ; 



■ i:^M 



passport and shewed him an order from the Governor of New 
York not to allow any Frenchman to go by without a passport. 

M. de Longueuil took occasion to reproach the Iroquois Chiefs 
who were present that they were no longer masttrs of thi ir lands. 
This succeeded; they blew out against the English; told them 
they would bear with them no longer, having permitted them to 
6ome to trade. They even promised him they should remain 
neuter in case of war against the English. 

He next repaired to Onontague, an Iroquois Village and there 
found the Deputies of the other four Iroquois Villages who were 
waiting for him there. He made them consent to the construc- 
tion of 2 barks and the erection of a stone house at Niagara, of 
which he took the plan which they send with an estimate 
amounting to 29,295 livres (= $6,592.) U 

NoTAi The two barks were built ir 1726. . nftut) 

The House (Niagara) was commenced the same year and fin- 
ished in 1726. . <, ' V/ 

NoTA. Sieur Chaussegross, engineer, writes that he erected tlus 
House on the same spot where an antient Fort had been built by 
order of M. d'Eiionville former Governor and Lieutenant General 
of New France in 1686. 

25 July J 1726. (M. de Longueuil writes that) he has given 
orders to Chevalier de Longueuil his son who commanded there 
(at Niagara) not to return until the English and Dutch retire from 
Choueguen where they have been all summer to the number of 
300 men, and should he meet their canoes on the lake, to plunder 
them. ? 1. 5 

18 Sept 1726. M. the Marquis of Beauharnols sends an extract 
of a letter from Chevalier de Longueuil dated Niagara, the 5th of 
7be. 1726, in which he stntes that there are no more English at 
Choueguen, along the Lake nor in the River and if he meet any 
of them in the Lake he'll plunder them. 










m to 


ira, of 

ind fin- \ 

:tcd this 
built by 

18 given 
h1 there 
tire fiom 
Imber of 

In extract 

le 5th of 

i«rlish at 

leel any 


[Lond. Doc. XXIII.] 

New York May 9lh 1727. 

I have this Spring sent up workmen to build a slone house of 
strength at a place called Oswego^ at the mouth of the Onnon- 
dage River where our principal Trade with the far Nations is 
carried on. I have obtained the consent of the Six Nations to 
build it, and having Intelligence that a party of French of ninety 
men were going up towards Niagara I suspected that they might 
have orders to interupt this work, and therefore I have sent up a 
detachment of sixty Souldiers with a Captain and two Lieutenants, 
to protect the building from any disturbance that any French or 
Indians may offer to it. There are besides about two hundred 
traders now at the same place, who are all armed as Militia, and 
ready to join in defence of the Building and their Trade, in case 
they arc attacked : The French can have no just pretence for 
doing it, but their lately building a Fort at Niagara, contrary to 
the last Treaty makes me think it necessary for us to be on our 
guard against any attempts they may make. 

When the house is finished it will be sufficiently strong against 
an attack wilh small arras, which is all that can be brought thither, 
and I intend to keep an Officer and twenty men always in Garrison 
there, which will be of the greatest use to keep our Indians true 
to us, it being near the centre of all the Six Nations, & lying 
most conveniently to receive all the far Indians who come to trade 
with us. 

My Lord Bellomont formerly intended to build a Fort by King 
William's order near this place, and it went so far that even 
plate and furniture for a chappie there, were sent over from 
England, but the Design was laid by upon his Death, and has 
never been resumed since 'till now^.' 

1 Smilh, Hist. N. Y. Etl. 1828, i. 253, represents the erection of the above Fort 
as having been begun in 1722; an error which has been copied by McAuIey, 
Dunlap and others who have followed him without inquiry. Gov. Burnet's des- 
patch and the preceding Docs., correct the mistake and furnish the precise date. 

Sm '''r, 





The Assembly provided three hundred pounds last fall for this 
service, of which I then acquainted Your Lordships, but I have 
been obliged to lay out more than double that value upon my 
own credit, to furnish necessaries and provisions, and hire work- 
men, & make Battoes to carry up the men, for it is all Water 
carriage from our outmost Town called Schenectady to this place, 
which is about two hundred miles, except five miles, where they 
must draw their Battoes over Land, which is easily enough done, 
& this makes the communication much more convenient than by 

I hope the Assembly will supply this Deficiency when they 
meet, but I was so convinced of the benefit of the undertaking 
that I was resolved not to let it fail for want of a present supply 
of money. I am with great Respect, 

My Lords, Your Lordships most dutifull and 

most obliged humble servant 

W. Burnet. 


[Load. Doo. XXIII.] 

New York 29th June 1727. 

Extract. — The Province is much obliged to your Lordships for 
representing the French building a Fort at Niagara, and in order 
to obtain Redress the same Fort which I have been building at 
the mouth of the Onnondage's River called Oswego this Spring, 
goes on successfully hitherto, and without any interruption from 
the French or their Indians, and with the full consent and appro- 
bation of our own Indians. 

The Detachment of Souldiers which I sent to up arrived safely 
there the beginning of this month, so that it is not likely that 
any attempt will now be made to hinder it, and I depend upon 
its being of the best use of any thing that has ever been under- 
taken on that side either to preserve our own Indians in our 
Interest, or to promote and fix a constant Trade with the remote 

i'L I 

fall for this 
, but I have 
ue upon my 
d hire work- 
is all Water 
to this place, 
», where they 
enough done, 
lient than by 

By when they 
e undertaking 
tresent supply 


servant , 

V. Burnet. 


29th June 1727. 
r Lordships for 
a, and in order 
en building at 
go this Spring, 
;erruption from 
lent and appro- 
arrived safely 
not likely that 
depend upon 
rer been under- 
Indians in our 
vith the remote 

. /.'■ 

•v' * 

!l i' 





. I /*/ftft tft /(f /•/ t/f'iffc a . t/tf/\ 

A.y. //f///fffx /•/// //f// //'/t.s/l 

tft lit /{fifi ir f7itK*nfmii tt\ 

f/r nnifrttx rf ftft'rx //fiii 

li liirntfKn t/r f,f thfr /ftffA 

f I'lhtfi ftttirtnts t/t ///'/.»• (ni\ 

fJ Unit f'ancfs (f Krttcr 

K 7ff f\rf*tnn\ ttn.r. Itarrhtti 

r/ /•'hniunttf.s- 
/'' 'IVufi .V fff\'/}yn/nw />ti rtiiin 
ft Si'tfuttfH'n fff /ti ft t/f>)ifr\ 
If ^/'/f Pnu.r *ft f '4 tttr fh /; 
if Urn rrt'it r/rr tfr.sfinrs 
1 . MfltifftUff ftrs 'Jiffff/fff.V 

•HI ft o t'rn/trr 
If fH'Hriunrtf 

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prft/ Oy\V„/,/tf/.v 









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"> " 'i \ s ^^' ' ■ ' *•♦ "^v >■ ' 


(KsH'tffO J 7 a 7. 

Pitnt n< r Villi 

r i 



i.i !^: 

• .1 




i/' Mufjilisli 




[Par. Doe. VII.; Lond. Doc. XXIII.] 

July 20th, 1727. 

Sir — ^I am very well persuaded that you have been informed 
that the King my master has done me the honor to name me 
Governour and his Lieutenant General in all New France, and 
that you have likewise been so of my arrival to this country. 

I find myself, Sir, in a juncture when the close union that sub- 
asts between our Sovereigns ought to flatter me with the hopes 
of the like between you and me. But I cannot avoid observing 
to you my surprise at the permission which you have given to the 
English Merchants to carry on a trade at the River of Oswego, 
and that you have ordered a Redoubt with Galleries {MachicotUies) 
snd full of Loop holes and other works belonging to fortification, 
to be built at the Mouth of that River, in which you have placed 
a Garrison of Regular Troops. 

I have been. Sir, the more astonished at it, since you should 
have considered your Undertaking as a thing capable of disturbing 
the Union of the two Crowns ; You cannot be ignorant of the 
possession during a very considerable time, which the King my 
Master has of all the Lands of Canada, of which those of the lake 
Ontario and the adjacent Lands make a part, and in which he has 
built Forts and made other Settlements in different places as are 
those of Denonville at the Entrance of the River of Niagara, that 
of Frontenac, another called La Famine, that which is called the 
Fort des Sables, another at the Bay of the Cayougas at Oswego, 
&c. without any opposition, they having been one and all of them 
possessed by the French, who alone' have had a right, and have 
had the possession of carrying on the Trade there. 

I look. Sir, upon the Settlements that you are beginning and 
pretending to make at the Entrance of the Lake Ontario into the 
River of Oswego, the fortifications that you have made there, and 
the Garrison that you have posted there, as a,, manifest infraction 
of the Treaty of Utrecht, it being expressly settled by that Treaty, 

• i\ 

,1 ' . > 





that the subjects of each Crown shall not molest nor encroach 
upon one another, 'till the Limits have been fixed by Commissaries, 
to be named for that purpose. 

This it is, Sir, which determines me at present to send away 
M. De la Chassaigne Governour of the Town of trois Rivieres, 
with an Officer, to deliver this letter to you, and to inform you of 
my Intentions. 

I send away at the same time a Major to summon the Officer^ 
who commands at Oswego, to retire with his Garrison and other 
persons who are there, to demolish the fortifications and other 
works, and to evacuate entirely that post and to retire home. 

The Court of France which I have the honour to inform of it 
this moment, will have Room to look upon this undertaking as an 
act of hostility on your part, and I dont doubt but you will give 
attention to the justice of my Demand. 

I desire you to honour me with a positive answer which 1 '^i 
without delay by the return of these Gentlemen, I am per. .. i :d 
that on your side you will do nothing that may trouble the harmony 
that prevails among our two Crowns, and that you will not act 
against their true Interests. 

I should be extremely pleased. Sir, if you would give me some 
occasion to show you particularly the sentiments of Respect with 
which I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your most humble and 
most obed"*' servant 
At Montreal Beauhai^ois. 

this 20tJ» July 1727. 

P. S. M. De la Chassaigne who did not at first intend to carry 
with him any but the Officer of whom I had the honor to inform 
you in my Letter, has since desired me to let him have the four 
Gentlemen named in the Passport which I have ordered to be 
made out for him. I dont doubt, Sir, but you will have the same 
Regard for them as for the King's Officer who goes along with them. 



V {■' 


>* 'j-fa- 

:■< i 


or tl 


you of 

d other 
1 other 

m of it 
ig as an 
rill give 

jr,-.' r.^L 


not act 

me some 
lect with 



d to carry 
to inform 
8 the four 
;red to be 
B the same 





[Paris Doe. VII.] 

His Lordship the Marquis of Beauharnois appointed by His 
Most Christian Majesty Governour General in and over Canada 
and the whole Dependencies of New France, being informed of 
your Governour's enterprise at the Mouth of Choueguen River, 
where he ordered a Stone Redoubt to be built on the shore of 
Lake Ontario where the French only have traded, and of which 
they have been possessors for a very great while, and considering 
t^at Enterpqise as a plain Contravention to the Treaty of Utrecht, 
which mentions that the subjects of the two Crowns shall not 
intrench upon one anothers Land, 'till the Decision of the Limits by 
the Judges delegated to that End, has sent me with orders to sum- 
mon you to draw out at furthest within a fortnight the Garrison of 
this place with arms, munitions and other effects belonging to the 
people of Albany or other places, to cast down the block house 
and all peices of work you raised up contrary to all law, leaving 
you if you think fit to establish yourselves at Lake Thechiroguen, 
or the Oneida River where you formerly traded and to leave the 
mouth of this river free, as it has always been, to the«French| 
failing which his Lordship the Marquis of Beauharnois will take 
measures against you and against your unjust usurpation as he 

will think fit. 

(Signed) Begon« 

Montreal the Uth of July 1727. 

/ k 





. j,., 



^^ 11 11 

.■ s 



[Paris Doe. YII.] 

This day the fii-st of August 1727, we the undersigned) Knight 
of the Military Order of St. Louis, Major of the Town, Castle and 
Government of Quebec, having in execution of the orders to us 
given by the Marquis of Beauharnois Governor and Lieutenant 
General for the King in all New France, arrived before the Fort 
built by the English on the borders of Lake (Ontario, at tbemouih 
of the kiver Choueguen, sent to advise Mr. Sancker Command- 
ing the Garrison of our arrival and had him informed, at the saine 
time, that we came on the part of the Governor General Cipm- 
inanding in Chief over all New France, to summon him to with- 
draw at latest within fifteen days the garrison of said fort, "mm 
the arms, ammunition and other effects belonging to individuals 
h Orange and other places, and to demolish said fort and ot^er 
work he had there constructed. 

He sent to invite us on shore and came to meet us on the bank oi 
said river Choueguen, accompanied by two odicers of the garrison, 
be conducted us into the fort with much courtesy and after service 
on the said Commandant in the usual manner of the said summons 
which we lefl him in writing in French and in English, he answered 
us that he was on his land and in his house ; that he had been 
sent thifher by his General Government to build the said fort 
tnere with the consent of the Six Nations and even under valid 
contracts with them ; that if we wished, he would cause the 
Chiefs of the Onondaga Indians then on the spot, to coine who 
would Inform us of it ; whom we refused to hear }fe\ng unwilling 
to have any discussion with them. Afler which he added, that he 
was but a subordinate officer like ourselves, and consequently 
equally obliged to follow the orders of his General; that we had 
an order in writing from the Marquis of Beauharnois ; it would 





to us 
e fort 

he saime 
il Corn- 
to -witb- 
irt, "witlE 
nd otW 

er service 
had been 
said fort 
ider valid 
cause the 
joine "wKo 

ed, that he 

aat we bad 
. it would 

be necessary for him to have one also from Mr. Burnet) lus G|en|B- 
ral, so as to be able to furnish his reply ; whereupon we aslc^ to 
have his refusal in writing, but having communicated to us thie^ta 
little time would be necessary to consider of it, and if we wisbffd 
he would leave us at liberty to walk wherever we pleased ; iy|d 
having kept us waiting about three quarters of an hour and coii- 
suited with his officers, he persisted in his original sentiments and 
said that he had ^s much right to summon the Commandtuat of 
Niagara ; finally he should send the summons to his Qovc^rnior 
General, promising to give an answer so soon as he should receK^e 
orders. Done at Choueguen the !■* August 1727. 

(Signed) Bsgoit.* 

. -r — — ■ ■ 


[Load. Doc XXIII.] 

New York, Sth Augut, 17X1^. 

Sir — ^I have received the letter which you have doiie me the 
honour to write to me, and which was delivered to me by Mr. 
De la Chassaigne. You have done me a singular pleasure in 
taking this occasion to make me acquainted with a person of 80 
distinguished merit, and in sending along with them Gentlemen 
who do honour to their country. I could have wished that these 
marks of your good will had not been attended with a proceeding 
so little suitable to them. '^ 

You perceive, Sir, that I would complain of the sudden and 
peremptory summons that you have sent to my Officer posted Iftt 
Oswego ; and which was brought to me by an express, before t^e 
arrival of M' De la Chassaigne. f'f '^^ 

I should think. Sir, that you might have waited for my reasons 
in answer to what you were pleased to write to me, before you took 
so Extraordinary a step, and that in giving so short a time, that 
my Officer could not possibly receive my orders before it expired. 

I agree with you, sir, that the close union that prevails betweoi 

1. In Loml. Doc. XXIII. are papers pnrporting to be Translationi of th« two 
preceding Doc*s but they are essentially imperfect and inoorftlst. ' P 

'^^ . »l 


r 'i 





our Sovereigns ought naturally to produce the like between yoa 
and me, and it shall never be through my fault if it does not sub- 
sist in all its extent. It -was, Sir, with the same Intention that I' 
made my complaint in the modestest manner I could to Mr. De 
Longueuil, then Commander in Chief in Canada, of a Fort that 
\aA been built at Niagara and tho' I received no answer from him 
by the bearer of my letter and at last received one that was not 
at all satisfactory, I contented myself with writing to our Court 
about it, whence I am informed that our Ambassadors at the Court 
of France, has orders to represent this undertaking as contrary to 
the treaty of Utrecht. 

This, Sir, was all that I did upon that occasion. I did not send 
any summons to Niagai-a, I did not make any warlike preparations 
to interrupt the work, and I did not stir up the Five Nations to 
make use of force to demolish it, which I might have done easily 
enough, since at the very time I received Mr de Longueuil's 
letter, they were all come to complain to me of this undertaking^ 
as the justest cause of uneasiness that could have been given them. 
I won't tire you with repeating all that I writ to Mr. de Lon- 
grueuil upon that subject which he has no doubt shown to you. 

I come now. Sir, to the subject of your Letter, there are two 
things which you complain of, first of the trade at Oswego, 
secondly of the Redoubt as you call it, and of the Garrison that 
is in it; as for the Trade I cannot understand how you could be 
surprised at it, since we have carried on a trade there regularly 
for more than five years running without opposition, and I have 
reason to wonder how you can call that an Infraction of the 
Treaty of Utrecht, since it is expressly stipulated in that very \b^^ 
Article which you cite, That on both sides the subjects of each 
Crown shall enjoy full liberty of going and coming on account of 

Going and coming must imply (as appears clearly by what goes 
before) among all the American subjects or allies or friends of 
Great Britain and of France. It is upon this, Sir, that we pre- 
tend to have an equal right with you of trading thro' all the Lakes 
and all the Continent, and that incontestably, by virtue of the 
Terms of the Treaty 

I < 

I we pre- 
Ihe Lakes 
le of the 


It follows therein that also the Natives of those Countries shall 
with the same liberty resort as they please to the British and 
French Colonies, for promoting a Trade on one side or the other} 
without any Molestation or hindrance either on the part of th« 
British subjects or the French. 

I cited to you before the Right which we have to carry on a 
Trade every where among the Indians. In these last words is 
contained the Right which all the Ind' ns have to come and trade 
with us, and I leave it to you to reflect sincerely upon the conduct 
of the People of Canada, and to consider whether they have not 
done all they could and do not continue still to hinder the Indians 
from coming to trade with us. But as for our Right to carry a 
Trade every where among the Indians, one cannot find expressions 
more contrary to the terms of the Treaty than those in your letterj 
where you name several places occupied by the French, who alone, 
say you, have had the Right and been in possession of trading 

You will oblige extremely if you will shew me how to recohdle 
that with a full liberty on both sides of going and coming on 
account of trade which the subjects of both crowns shall enjoy. 
But if you say that formerly it was as you pretend, that will 
signify nothing, since at present the Treaty alone ought to regulate 
the matters. 

I hope. Sir, I have said enough upon the first subject of Com- 
plaint which relates to the Trade, for to shew you the right we 
have to it, and to make you sensible that the future Regulation of 
Limits, can never make any alteration in the general liberty which 
there is of Trade. 

I come now to the second subject of Complaint which relates to 
the Redoubt and Garrison at Oswego. It is true. Sir, that I have 
ordered a Stone house to be built there, with some contrivances to 
hinder its being Surprized, and that I have posted some Souldiers 
in it, but that which gave rue the first thought of it, was the 
fortified and much larger house which the French have built at 
Niagara, upon the lands of the Five Nations, as it appears even 
by the Confession of M. de Longueuil, in his letter to me of the 
leth of August 1726, for he pretends that the Five Nations had 



^^ed to it by an unanimous consent. If that Post was not upon 
l^ir Land, but upon Land that belongs incontestably to the French, 
I believe, Sir, that you would be very far from asking their con- 
sent to do what you had a mind to do there. 

It has been always the same case with all the posts you mention 
rand which besides had been abandoned many years before the 
Treaty of Utrecht, except Fort Frontenac only, which is on the 
<6ther side of the Lake. It is certain that the French never built 
'anjr of them but by the permission of the Five Nations, and 
(always on pretence that they were only to be houses for the con- 
Teniency of Trade With them and without ever pretending to 
'Claim the Property of those places : And you seem. Sir, to allow 
'idmost as much yourself for you say, That His Most Christian 
.lifojesty had ordered Forts and other Establishments to be built in 
different places, '&c. without any opposition. What has been 
'built without opposition can never be looked on as a conquest, as 
Mr. De la Chassaigne would maintain, and I should be very glad 
'to l*earB by lihat Treaty or Agreement the five Nations ever 
(yielded to you any of tlieir lands. On the contrary those Nations 
have always maintained that the Lands on both sides of the Lake 
'Ontario are theirs and will always maintain it. 

I can't comprehend what use the Article of the Treaty to which 

you allude, can be to you, and I can't find the words in the 

Treaty as you have cited them, nor even the sense entirely 

agreeable to them. You call the post which we have settled at 

1 0swego a manifest infraction of the Treaty of Uttccht, it being 

mentioned expressly in the Treaty that the Subjects of one and 

the other Crown shall not molest nor incroach upon one another, 

'till the Limits shall be regulated by Commissaries to be named 

tyy them for that purpose. I dont know. Sir, what copy of the 

Treaty you make use of, but for my part, I have compared the 

' Frenbh translation which I have quoted, with the Original Latin, 

''Which is < printed at London by Royal Authority and have found 

it entirely agreeable to h. 

The words we are now upon are these as follows, The Subjects 
flf France irihfiibHing Canada and others, shall hereafter give no 
hindrance or 'Molestation to the five Nations or Cantons of Indians, 




re the 
)n the 
r built 
B, aiid 
le con- 
ing to 
> allow 
built in 
IS been ^ 
uest, as 
;ry glad 
tns ever 
be Lake 

to Which 
s in the 
ettled at 
it being 
one and 
}e named 
)y of the 
tared the 
lal Latin, 
ave found 

give no 
)f Indians, 



subject to the Dominion of Great Britain, nor to the other NattTes 
of America who are friends to the same, in like manner the sub- 
jects of Great Fritain shall behave themselves peaceably towar48 
the Americans, who are subjects or friends to France. 

This is the first part at full length of what you refer to ; the 
the second part is at the end of the Article in these words, But 
it [is] to be exactly and distinctly settled by Commissaries, who 
are and who ought to be accounted the Subjects and friends of 
Britain or of France. 

Upon reading all this together it is impossible to imagine ihat 
the last clause of this Article can relate to the Five Nations, as 
if Commissaries were yet to determine whether they are ovix 
subjects or yours, as Mr. de Longueuil writ to me that they weie 

This would be directly opposite to the first part of the same 
Article which declares them expressly subject to the Dominion of 
Great Britain. But as there is mention made of other Amerieans 
Allies of Great Britain and of Americans Subjects or friends to 
France, without naming them, it is as clear as day light that lAie 
Commissaries are only to determine about these last. 

You have now, Sir, my reasons for acting as I have done, and 
of which I have given an account to the Court at the same time 
that I represented the affair of Niagara, I expect every day a 
compleat answer upon both these points, & I think myself obliged, 
'not withstanding all the reasons which M\ De la Chassaigne has 
given me to the contrary, to maintain the Post of Oswego, till I 
receive new orders from the King my Master. 

You may. Sir, make such complaints hereupon as you judge 
proper, as you have informed me that you have already made 
some, and at the same time you will not think it strange that on 
my part I inform the Court, in what manner you have summoned 
the Kings Officer posted at Oswtgo, without waiting for any 
Explanation from me upon it. This is a step which the King my 
Master may perhaps be offended at, and which His Most Christian 
Majesty may perhaps think fit to disown 

I am very sorry, Sir to find myself under a necessity to have 
sentiments so opposite to yours. I should be glad to see all these 


I i * 


ff.~ . I' 





differences end in a good understanding, & that you would honour 
me with your friendship, and it is with a great deal of respect 
that I have the honour to be. Sir, Your most humble 

and most obedient Servant. 


[Lond. Doe. XXIIl.] ' 

New York 24th Augurt 1727 
I had News that the Fort which I have been building this 
Spring at Oswego, at the mouth of the Onnondages River, was 
upon the point of being finished, when at the same time I learnt 
by an Express that the Govcmour of Canada had sent a summons 
to the said Fort to have it Demolished and abandoned in 16 
days, copies whereof in French & English both as they were 
delivered to the commanding o^cer there, are herewith transmit- 
ted. Soon after my receiving this Summons arrived here the 
Oovernour of trois rivieres in Canada, who is next in rank to the 
Governour of Montreal, as he is to the Governour General of 
Canada. This Gentleman with his attendants was sent by the 
Governour of Canada to deliver a letter from him to me, and to 
persuade me to abandon this Fort for the present and to leave it 
to be afterwards settled between the two Crowns, who had the 
Right to that place. I agreed to leave it to be decided between 
the two Crowns as he proposed but in the mean time thought 
myself obliged to hold and maintain it. 

I have enclosed copies of the Governour of Canada's letter to 
me in French and my answer to him in the same language, 
together with my own translation of both letters, \Yheiein Your 
Lordships will find the whole argument stated on both sides. 
There is no variation between the French & English but what 
was necessary to be made according to the different Translations 
of the Treaty from the Original Latin, but I think my argument 
holds equally in either translation and as strongly in the Latin as 
in either. -i- 

Your Lordships know very well how backward the French 
have been to name Commissaries, and in the mean time if they 





I this 
, was 
in 16 
y wete 
:re the 
: to the 
pral of 
by the 
and to 
leave it 
had the 

letter to 
[in Your 
Ih sides. 
l)ut what 
I Latin as 

if they 

are permitted they would seize upon every thing. But this new 
house at Oswego will make a stand that will embolden our Five 
nations, & will not easily be taken without great Cannon, the 
wall being four foot thick of large good stone, and it is repre- 
sented to roe that the French cannot bring large cannon against 
it, since they have no way but to come up from Montreal to the 
Lake against a Violent stream, all full of Rifts & Falls & Shal- 
lows, where they are forced to set up with poles most part of the 
way in light Canoes, or Battoes, & if they had cannon to carry, 
it is thought they could not set them along, & by land it is all 
over precipices & mountains, and Rivers to cross on both sides of 
the great river, so that it is not believed practicable for them to 
bring battering Cannon any way. The French have a Fort on 
the Lake at Cataraqui, where the bigg«st Guns they have are 
patereros, that one man can carry about in his arms So that 
probably they could bring no bigger thither. 

I have had a report from some New England captives lately 
redeemed from Canada that the Governour of Canada was pre- 
paring 400 French & 800 Indians to attack this Fort. But there 
is reason to believe that this is more given out to intimidate us 
than really intended, and when I charged the Governour of trois 
Rivieres with it he utterly denyed it, but I thought I had ground 
enough to hint at it by way of Reproach in my letter tho' with- 
out asserting it positively. However if they should come we are 
provided with a double Garrison at Oswego, provisions for six 
months and powder and Ball sufficient for their Defence, and I 
have sent proper persons among our five nations with presents to 
them to engage them to stand by us, and not to suffer any Indians 
to molest us upon their Lands, as we shall be ready to defend 
ourselves against the French, so that I am in good hopes to be 
able to hold this place, in case we are attacked, and I hope Your 
Lordships will support me in taking these measures for securing 
our right to the five nations against the Encroachments and 
Pretensions of the French, and represent the whole affair to His 
Majesty, both of the French building at Niagara, contrary to the 
treaty of Utrecht, and of their disturbing our undoubted right of 
Trading and building upon the land of the five Nations at Oswego. 






[Pari* Doe. VJII.] 

Three leagues from Choueguen I sent three Wampum belts to 
notify the Nontagu6 Chiefs to meet me on business which brought 
me among them ; and with three other belts I invited the four 
other Iroquois Nations their allies to repair to th6 Nontagu^ to 
hear the message of their Father of which I was the bearer to 

On the arrival of the Nontagu^s at my tent, they told me on 
the part of the Commandant of Choueguen, that as I was passing 
his place on public business, I must fire the first salute and lower 
my flag. This proposition surprised me ; my people would per- 
suade me to do so. I therefore suddenly stood up and said to 
them — Ye know such is not the intention of your Father Onontio 
whose messae;e I carry. A young fool in the canoe of those of 
the Lake said to me aloud, that he would fire and salute the fort 
I replied to him, Indian fashion, that he lied and that I should not 
suffer it, being unwilling either to witness or be accomplice to 
such a folly ; that I was surprized he had so soon forgotten the 
words of his father Onontio whose intentions I had communicated 
to him during our voyage; that I had no manner of business with 
him who was Commandant of the house at Choueguen. 

They returned to said fort and reported to me that the Com- 
mandant insisted on what they had first communicated to me. I 
asked them whose was the land over which I wished to pass 1 
This question caused them to droop their heads and they remained 
in pensive silence. It was not until I told them that I wanted a 
decisive and substantial answer, that they replied — The ground 
over which I wished to walk was theirs. I then said to them, 
since it was their property I, as child of their father Onontio and 



I I 



l8. . 

belts to 
the four 
agu68 to 
>earer to 

id me on 

8 pasung 

ind lower 

ould per- 

d s^d to 

r Onontio 
those of 
the fort 
lould not 
mplice to 
rotten the 
jiness with 

the Corn- 
to me. I 

to passi 
r remained 

wanted a 
Ihe ground 
to them, 
knontio and 

iHeflrer of his iiit>8SHge to them, Wished a cl^&r rn;i<) artd that nil the 
branches bvcrhdngihg the t ivt^^, hb cut il\ray so that ihy t''lag might 
pass without being obliged to remove it from whbre their Father 
Onuntio had pidced it ; and that I should not fire a salute until 
others had saluted me. IVillingly or unwillingly they approved 
and we pk-Ocefeded. 

Wheh I arrived opposite the house of Chougucn We found, at 
the Mouth of the river a caiioewith peojple of the Sault who werC 
rieturtiing from War. This obliged us to land to give our folks ah 
oppbrttiriity to learn tht neWs And to cat* e the Prisoners to dancej 
Hi is the ( ustom among :he tribes. During this intei'val the Com 
mandant of Choueguen sent fcr six of the printipsl Chii'fs inclil- 
ding riJi. My Chiefs incited Af tb folllnW th* n. t ansW^ted 
ihttt I hsld no business at that house ; they , '^'re tnaiterS to go sitati^ 
thby "^'ished it ; I should keep ihy id i A-ith the young merii 
Tligarioguch wished to reibaih /'i'h ihej I pe ^iftded hiih tO 
accompany the o.hcts, so that I nay '?arh frotn him what transpii^ 
^. He iSj morieover, a man on Whbm I hare great rtii-^iafU* 
They, therefor^i set out for the fort. In th«i interval of thtt# 
visit thr6e cannbn were fired the meaning of which I did not utt^ 
deftetand. On their return I learn^^d that it Was to honor the ToaiitSi 
They begin by— T^he King of England j The Commandant of Al4 
J'olrt, and The General of the French of Canada. These are ^e 
tertils they made use of. Here is what was said to theih by th* 
C'omihandant of the Fbrt. 

BUbtHEKS, I nevp- failed to assist the people of your l^atiofi 
and you in particular • ntn you pass by my house and Cbihe to 
see me. I will always act so towards you. I invite you to peace 
and tranquillity between you and us. 

He gave thr i! three pots of i[lum, a large piece of Pork and a 
bushel of peas which they brought to the Camp. I found them in 
a stPte bf great Drunkenness, except Tegarioguen. He assured 
th&t the Choueguen Sachem had been charmed to see them ahd 
that he gave them milk to drink to their Brother's health. But 
the excitement they were in led them, notwithstanding all the 
ifcntreatics I could make, to finish what liquor they brought. This 
delayed me three days before the Fort, they being drunk so thit 



■ .1 I 

I was unable to do any thing. I was not free from uneasiness 
having only Tegarioguen for support, if I were insulted. 

When the Chiefs of the Lake of the Two Mountains and of 
Sault St. Louis returned to my tent, the Nontagu^ Chiefs came 
to summon me, on the part of the Commandant of the Fort, 
to strike my flag which I had hoisted over my Tent, inas- 
much as I was under the guns of the Fort. I always answered 
Lidian fashion ; I knew no flag but that of their Father Onontio 
which I carried, and it should not be lowered until I was tied. 
Contrary to the custom of lowering it at sundown, it remained 
flying night and day the whole of the time I was constrained to 
remain at that post. -^ ^ 

On the day of our departure it was again the same tune. I 
must absolutely fire first and strike my flag. This I would not 
do ; therefore no salute on the one side nor the other, and we set 
out to proceed. A Nontagu^ Chief carrying a British flag in his 
hand, called out to me to embark. I forbid my people to do so, 
telling them I would not march under an English flag, and they 
heard me. I told them we should start when the English flag 
was no longer to be seen, which we did. I reproached the Non- 
tagu^s with their weakness and the little respect they paid their 
Father and his Flag ^ince they dared not pass Choueguen without 
a British flag. They answered — ^You're right. Father j but you 
know we have every thing to manage here. I replied — ^Under 
their Father's flag, there was nothing to be feared. And forth- 
with they furled the British flag which has not made its appear- 

ance since. .. 

.■S^ >■•*'!: ■ ffi'i >''4'»!<i ff 

; ?";-v- 

; '• ■' ' 



[Lond. Doc. XXV.] I 

New York Nov'r lit 1736. 
Sir — ^I am truly sorry to hear so many complaints of your con- 
duct at Oswego. I hope for better things, but am now in fear, if 
some .better care be not taken, that the Garrison will all desert or 
perish for want of provision of which I am told there is no manner 
of Oconemy j it behooves you. Sir, to be very circumspect, and I 



)ur con- 
fear, if 
lesert or 
I manner 
ct, and I 



earnestly recommend to you, to keep good dissipline, and to take 
care of the provissions and of the security of the house and 

M Beauharnois complained to me of your Commanding a French 
Canoe a shore, which was passing hy, I assured him I wo'd 
enquire into it, and I hope you will be able to acquit yourself of 
what he lays to your charge. 

I desire you will be very vigilant and guard carefully against 
all surprizes of the Indians or others, Capt: Dick will convey this 
to you to whom you ought to give an account of your Garrison 
by all opportunity's as he is the Commanding Officer on the Fron- 
tiers. S' &c 

Capt. Congrevc. G. C 

f r, 

[Joura. of General Ass.] '■ " • '^ 

Die Sabatii May 23. 1741 
Resolvedj That there be allowed a sum not exceeding the sum 
of Six Hundred Pounds, to and for erecting a sufficient stone 
Wall, at a proper Distance, round the Trading House at Oswego^ 
dther in a Triangular or Quadrangular Form, as the Ground will 
best adroit of, with a Bastion or Block House in each Corner, to 
flank the Curtains, which are to be single for the Accommodation 
of Men, if need be. 



* ' [Lond. Doc. XXVI.] 

New York Aug: the 20th 1742. 
My Lords — If the loss of Oswego (which I much fear will fall 
into the hands of the French on the first rupture) does not stagger 
the best resolutions of the Six Nations, who at present fear more 
than they love the French; that Fortress, or rather Trading house, 
for it is no better, is in a very defenceless condition^ the Garrison 
consists but of a Lieutenant, Serjeant, Corporal and 20 men it is and 
has been without Ammunition, the Assembly refusing to be at the ex- 
pense, as well as to make provision for victualling a larger Garrison; 
it is true they have given money to build a wall round the house| 







out the Director of the works, instead of laying the stones in lime 
Btld sand, as by the Act he was to do, is laying them in clay;' it 
is, as it is managed a jobb calculated rather to put money in the 
Pockets of tb )se who have the management of the business, than 
for any real service to the publick j tho' it is a thing of the utmost 
iitaportance, as the loss of it will certainly be followed by the loss 
of the furr trade, and very probably may by a defection of the 
Six Nations, the consequence whereof your LordPP" know per- 
fectly well. 



[Lond. Doe. XXYII.] 

Tho' it has been my duty to consult in a more particular man- 
ner the welfare cf the Provincej which I have had the honour to 
Govern some years, yet I never took myself to be thereby dis- 
charged from carrying my thoughts to things of a more extegisive 
nature, especially to such whereon the peace & happiness of the 
^Plantations, and the Trade of England, if not the very being of 
His Majesty's Dominion on this Continent depend, I have often 
reflected on the progress that our natural Enemies the French 
have made in their settlements on the back of us. Chiefly smce 
the peace of Utrecht, the vast increase of their Indian Trade, the 
interruption of ours by the power which their communication 
between Canada and Messasippi, (by means of the Lake Cadara- 
ique or Ontario) gives them over all the Indian Nations, living on 
that, and all the other Lakes, which disembogue into Cadaraqui, 
4c from thence into the River St. Lawrence, & by what means that 
commimication may be cut off, 8l those Indian Nations brought 
to an absolute dependence on His Majesties Provinces, who will 
thereby be possesst of a very great additional Trade, and (which 

1 " He pretended that there was not Limestone to be gotten and without giving 
fairaielf much trouble to search went on his own way." — Lond. Doc. xxvii. 3. 
The wall above alluded to, cost when finished £630.11. llj Curjr.— Journal of N. 
T. Auemb. 1744. 

in lime 

in the 
}s, than 

the loss 
I of the 
ow per- 



TO TBfi 

ular man- 
honour to 
ereby dis- 
less of the 
being of 
lave often 
LC French 
liefly since 
rade, the 
e Cadara- 
L living on 
icans that 
is brought 
I, -who -will 
ind (which 

[ithout gWinf 

|oc. xxvii- 3. 

fournal of K* 

is principally to be considered) be for ever secured from the 
annoyance of the French, and may without danger or interrup- 
tions, extend their Settlements as far back as they please. 

The French had lately three, and have now twd sailing vessells, 
each of about 50 or '60 Tons, on the Lake Cadaraqui : On the 
North East end whereof, near the entrance into the River of St. 
Lawrence, they have a small stone Fort called Frdntenac, with a 
Garrison of about thirty or thirty five men, and on the Southwest 
End, near the fall of Niagra, another with the like garrison, a 
trading house under the cover of it, and are now building there 
one or two more trading houses. In those vessells they carry the 
Soldiers Artillery, Ammunition and Provision to the Forts, and 
transport to & fro the goods they sell to & buy from the Indians: 
It is through this Lake they pass from Canada to Messasippi, & 
from thence back again to Canada : By means only of their Mas- 
tery On thait Lake it is that, they have acquired, and still hold 
their power over all the Indian Nations, from Canada to Mes«a- 
tfppi, except only the Indians who are next adjoining to our Pifo- 
Tinces, and have all along been dependent on them, (of which thie 
Five Nations or CJantons are the most considerable) and ih all 
those they have of late gotten too great an influence, ejsp'eclally 
among the five Nations whose youth, being of a martial spirit, 
they intice (contrary to the Publick Engagemeuts of those Niaitlbn^) 
to join them in their Expeditions againist the Ihdiah Niitibci^, 
subject to His Majesty, and depending on the Goveriitiients 6^ 
Virginia, the two C&rolina's fcOeoifgia, 'who have it in their pdvret 
(by their situation, if their strength Were equil, aS it would be, 
were they united and resolved) to intfetrupt th6 march oi the 
French from Niagra to Messasippi : this the French know full 
Well, and fearing that they may sometime or other cohlfederate 
against them for thiit purpose, they seldom fail once a yeiar, to 
attack one of those Nations while they are disjoined, thereby to 
eXterpate, or bring them over to their Interest, and they have 
gone but too great a length towards it, none of those Nations 
daring now to give them any interruption & thinking themselves 
happy when they are not annoyed by the French. V^e have a 
trading House and a Garrison of 20 men in it at Oswego, almost 



m ■ 




opposite to Foi t Frontenac, which in our present situation will 
inevitably fall into the hands of the French^ on the first opening 
of a War, & with it the Five Nations, the only Barrier against 
the French to all the Provinces from this to Georgia, for tho' 
thtjy now intice some of their youth to join them in their hostile 
marches, yet the Body of those Nations oppose it all they can, 
& live in a good intelligence with us, professing to observe invio- 
lably their original Allyance, (or Covenant Chain as they phrase- 
it) w^hich has subsisted ever since we first settled this Country 
yet if Oswego be taken, (as nothing can hinder it while the French 
are masters of the Lake) the Five Nations will, & must of course, 
submit to our Enemy, who will oblige them to assist in all their 
expeditions : In which Event every one of our Provinces may be 
so attacked, that the Planters will be obliged for the security of 
their Persons to quit their settlements, retire into the Towns, 
wherever they are, or under the cover of Forts, of which we have 
very few on the whole Continent, or, what is worse, leave the 
Country to seek a living elsewhere, the consequences whereof to 
England are but too obvious, & this the Enemy will more easily 
do, as they have a line of Forts from Canada to Messasippi. 

As a remedy for these Evils, which are almost as great as can 
befall the Nation, I propose that a Regiment of eight hundred 
men be sent from England (or if half the number of private men 
be sent, the other half I believe may be raised here) with an 
Engineer, Artillery, and Ammunition, 6c posted in the Sineca's 
Country on the Lake Cadaraqui, at a proper Harbour for build- 
ing of Vessells there being more than one of sufficient depth of 
Water, That the Harbour be fortifyed and Barracks erected for 
the men. That there be then built two or three Vessels of superior 
force to those of the French, on board whereof a few sailors, & 
a sufficient number of soldiers being put with proper Officers, we 
may take, sink or otherwise destroy the French Vessells, and 
then easily take their Forts on the Lake, & for ever hinder them 
from building more on those shores, or any Vessells on the Lake, 
nor (if they should build any in the River St. Lawrence) can they 
carry them against that rapid stream into the Lake. The conse- 
quences whereof will be of the greatest moment. All our Colonies 



m will 
or tho' 

ley can, 
e invio- 
y phrase 
e French 
,f course, 

all their 
s may be 
ecurity of 
e Tovnas, 
h we have 

leave the 
whereof to 

ore easily 

eat as can 
it hundred 
rivate men 
j) with an 
le Sineca's 
for bmld- 
depth of 
jrected for 
lof superior 
sailors, & 
ifficers, we 
issells, and 
inder them 
the Lake, 
|e) can they 
'he conse- 
lur Colonies 

from this to Georgia, will be secure from the incursions of the 
French in time of War. The Indians depending on the Govern- 
ments of Virginia, Carolina and Georgia, who are now almost 
every year attacked by the French, and their Indians will live 
unmolested ; All the Indian Nations living on or near the Lakes, 
and all those over whom the French at present have a very great 
power, will no sooner hear of our conquests, than they will 
submit to, & trade alltogether with us, The Five Nations will no 
longer be divided by French Intrigues, but will be absolutely at 
our Devotion, and the Trade & Influence of our Enemy will be 
confined to the Cold Country of Canada, which will scarce be 
worth keeping, and to the Banks of the River Messasippi, Nay, 
no sooner will the Five Nations see us masters on the Lake, than 
they vfill assist us to take the two Forts of Frontenac, & Niagia, 
for they are now complaisant to the French only through Fear, 
knowing them to be a treacherous & enterprising people. It was 
I presume to think, a very great Oversight, to suffer the French 
to build those two Forts, & I am persuaded if it had been strongly 
& rightly represented by the Governors of this & the other Pro- 
vinces a stop would have been put to it. Those Forts being built 
on the Lands of the Five Nations (whose native and conquered 
countries encompass the Lake on the shore whereon they are 
built) who by the 16^^ Article of the Treaty of Utrecht are 
explicitly acknowledged to be subject to the dominion of Great 
Britain, I am sensible that by the same article it is stipulated that 
both the English & French, shall have a free Intercourse for 
Trade with all the Indians & the Indians with them, let them 
enjoy it (when we are Masters of the Lake) in the like manner 
that ours is now carried on, viz^ By Canoes and small rowing 
Boats, but I am pretty sure that when the French yoke is taken 
off their necks, the Indians will no longer trade with them, for 
the English Manufactures are much better, and they prefer them 
to French goods, but supposing that they should still trade with 
them, it will be in a much smaller proportion than they now do, 
& besides they cannot then march in any numbers to disturb our 
Provinces, or the Indians, now & of old depending on them. An 
Event of the highest importance, nor can Canada supply Messa- 


h ^ 



l>A;SR8^SLATiirG TO qoynfffo. 

fippi, or li^^essasippi Canada, with force? or merchandize in time 
qf fieed : Before the French begun to bui|d the Fort Qt Niagra, 
ivhich is »bout 20 years agp, they cajoled some few of the young 
felloes of tl^e ^ive Nsitions, to giye them permission to build a 
tcadiog House there, but so soon as it reached the e^rs of the 3{i- 
chims or Rulers of tbosfe Nations, they resented it, acquainted the 
Oovernpr of this Province, that the French had begun to build, 
& offered to join any force he should send to demolish the vorJcS) 
and to drive the French from thence, but this was unhappily ne- 
glected : inco^raged by their success there, they did, about twelve 
years ago, eirect another ,Fort, and much stronger (on the l^ands 
likewise of the Five Nations) at a place called the Crown Point, 
about ]i60 miles from Albany between that ^ Canada. In ih^X 
part gf the Country, ^here the Senecas chiefly dwell, & ythetfi I 
propose our Yes^ells should be built, & the llegiment q\|a^tered, 
Xhfi Climate is temperate, & the lands exceeding Fertile, ^o that 
in ,three years time from tl^eir going thither, prpyisions qf aill Icinds 
(pw^cient for the Regiment & Vessells) may be raised, Except 
omly jBeef, which will require a year or two more, in the mean 
it^^e cattle may be drove thither from the Covmty of Albany, with 
as much ease as they are now to the Garrison at Oswego, & no 
f opner will the Regiment march towards it, th^ Farmers will go 
thither ^nde^ their cover to settle in that Country, being sure both 
4>f protection, &. of a market for what they raise, The Fiye Na- 
,^ons being acknowledged by the Treaty pf Utrecht to be subject 
to the Dominion of Great Britain, & the Lake lying in their 
Country, it being ^surrounded by their Lands, I humbly submit 
it, whether we have not a Right, even before a Rupture to assume 
the Dominion thereof, & to destroy the Forts the French have 
bujlt in the Country of those Cantons, especially if we have th/eir 
concurrence, of which & of their assistance too, I make no dov^t, 
Yjfh^n they see the Regiment among them. 

When we have thus vindicated our Right &. established our 
Dominion on the Lake, the Regiment may then he employed in 
^e reduction of the Fort at the Crown Point, wherein, if there 
be need, we may I believe have assistance from the Provinces of 
Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, who have settlements 




in tine 

e young 
I bvkild a 
,f the Sa- 
inted the 
to bvttW, 

ippily ne- 

,:wn Point, 
. Jn iW ; 
& -viherye I 
lie, so tliat 
led, Ejccept 
a tbe mean 

v,ego, & no 
ners vUl go 

le Five Na- 
be ?^bject 
.ng in tbeir 
[nbly subsait 
ire to assume 
'rencb ba^e 
re have the« 
|kc no doujjt, 

Bblisbed our 
I employed in 

tein, if there 

>rovincps of 


not far from thence, and who claim the lands adjoining to it, k 
one of them even that wheireon the Fort is built. 

If this or something else (of which I own I can think of nothing 
80 effectual) be not soon done to put a stop to the French En- 
croachments farewell to the English Colonies and to that most 
valuable Trade of the Nation, 

If ever it be thought adviseable to attempt again to take CanadJEi, 
the dispossessing the French of their mastery on the Lake & of 
the Fort at the Crown point, will greatly facilitate the Enterprize, 
but before we begin that work, I presume to think we ought to' 
take Cape Breton, a Place well fortifyed, & from whence the 
French can annoy our Fishery at Newfoundland, &, guard their 
own navigation to & from Canada. That place is such a Thorn 
in the sides of the New England people, that its very probable a 
large body of men may be raised there to assist in any such de- 
sign, and if proper officers are sent from England in the summer 
to exercise them, they may by the ensuing spring be well disci- ' 
plined, as all their youth are expert in the use of fire arms, from ' 
the unrestrained liberty of Fowling, which obtains in all the 
Provinces, & I conceive the Spring is the most proper season to 
attack the place, before the Men of War & Fishing Vessellt 
come from France, for in the Winter they have few men except 
the Garrisons, & Boston being a proper Fort for our Fleet to 
harbour in the Winter, we may block up the Harbour of Breton ' 
before the Ships from France can come upon the coast. 

NewYork 1743. 


V , ^ ,, [Joumalt of Gcifi. Anembly.] 

Die LnnsB, Aug. 20, 1744. 
Gentlemenj From the Examination herewith laid before You, 
it must be inferred, that the Province has suffered Considerable 
Damage this summer, by the precipitate Retreat of our Indian 
Traders from Oswego, upon Notice of Ihe French War; most of 
them you will find, left the Place immediately upon the Alarm, 


■! 1 






sold what they could of their Goods, to those few of their 
Brethren, that had Sense, Courage and Resolution, to stay behind, 
and brought the Remainder back with them. You will judge 
what a Baulk and Discouragement, this Instance of Pusilanimity 
has occasioned to those Number of Indians^ of the far Nations, 
who have rarely come to Trade with us; but perhaps finding the 
French, had no Goods to supply them at Ifiagara, resolved to 
proceed to Oswego, where some of them found the placoi was 
basely deserted by most of the People, and no Goods to exchange 
for their Furs; upon Information whereof, many other Indian 
Canoes were turned back before they reached that Place. 

How mean an Opinion, roust the Savages entertain of us, when 
they find our People so easily frightened, as it were with a 
Shadow, and that the great Gains, which are constantly reaped 
by this Advantageous Traffick, are not sufficient to excite a Reso- 
lution in our Traders, to stand to the Defence of this Fortress, 
the Loss of which, would determine that Trade, and it is to be 
feared the Indians too, in favour of our natural Enemies the 
French; how fatal such an Event would prove to this Colony in 
particular, and the British Interest upon the Continent in general, 
may be easily foreseen. 

The pernicious Consequences which must inevitably flow from 
this sort of Demeanour, I persuade myself, you will think deserv- 
ing of your serious Attention, and that you will put this most 
profitable Branch of our Trade, into such a Method for the 
Future, as may encourage and invite the most distant Nations to 
come yearly to trade at that Mart ; when by the Wisdom and 
Justice of the Legislature, Matters are so regulated for the future, 
that the Indians may be assured, that not only their Occasions, 
will always be plentifully supplied there with Goods, the best of 
their kind, but also at the most reasonable Rates ; touching which 
last Article the Six Nations have made frequent complaints ; by 
these Measures, we shall establish such a Credit amongst our 
own, and the remotest Indians, that it will not be in the power 
of the Fratch to rival us in that Point. 



r their 
i judge 
iing the 
>lved to 
ice ■was 
• Indian 



118, when 
. 'with a 
y reaped 
B a Reso- 
t is to be 
emies the 
Colony in 

[PftrliDoe. X.] 

Jtpril 4, 1748. Nanangousy, Chief of the Iroquois at <^he 
Sault has returned from Choueguen where he has been to spy. 
He reports that outside Fort Choueguen there is but one Trader's 
house ; that there was a great number of Dutch and Palatine 
traders at the place called Theyaoguin who were preparing to 
come and make a considerable trade at Choueguen, and that there 
was nothing at that fort to betoken any expedition on the part of 
the English among the 5 Nations. 

[Cooneil MlnutM XZT.] 

Fort George, New York, 23. AprU I7BB. 

The Governor acquainted the Board that among the other 
measures concerted at Alexandria, the Fort at Oswego, as a Post 
of great Importance, is to be strengthened bj a detachment of 
all the effective Men belonging to the two independent Companies 
at Albany, and two Companies from S' William Pepperel's Regim* 
who are to throw up Intrenchments and make Such additional 
Works as may be thought wanting for its Security. That he 
signified to the General [Praddock] that the Province would not 
he apprehended, supply Provisions for so many Men, unless the 
Expense might be taken out of the Fund of JC5000 granted for 
Transportation and Refreshment of the Kings Troops, and for other 
extraordinary Services Necessary for the Use and Security of the 
Colony, in the present Juncture ; and that if he was willing it 
SIkould be taken out of that Fund, he would advise with the 
Council upon it, on his Return. To which General Braddock 
had agreed. And thereupon the Governor desired the opinion of 
the Board. 

The Board were of Opinion His Honour might draw out of that 
Fund for Six Months Provisions for those Troops and for One 
hundred Battoes and a sufficient Number of Steersmen, to be 
employed in transporting them and their Provisions & Stores. 
And also for Pickaxes, Spades, Shovells and other necessaries for 
making Intrenchments, if such proper Implements could not be 
supplied out of the King's Stores here. 






[Pari* Doc. XT] 

Qmbee, 10 Jul^, ITM: 

Mf lord, — I had the honour tn inform you by my letter of the 
2d iiift. that the English were deploying a large force towards 
Cbouagncn ; that they had built some 10 gun brigs there and two 
deacnptiona of galleys;* that a body of 3000 men were alsd 
asRembling at Fort Necessity about 40 leagues from Fort Daquesne 
and that its vanguard of 700 men had already arrived there. 

We had confirmation of this news from reliable Indians of 
different villages and they gave us assurances sufficiently con- 
vincing not to allow us to doubt it. They even added, as a matter 
of certainty that 4000 men were going to Choueguen ; that the 
five nations were spread on the wings of this army ; that tbs 
English would seize Niagara and Fort Frontenac, and moreover 
that they had constructed 600 batteauxat Orange ; that they were 
still busy at a great many others ; that there were, likewisey 5000 
men encamped outside Orange covering two leagues of Country; 
that this army was to march against Fort St. Frederic [C^own 
Point] and finally advance on our settlements on this Continent; 
1 am, My lord, about to send some reinforcements to this last fort, 
but this diversion will not cause me to change my design on Lake 
Ontario wluch I had the honour to communicate to you. Ths 
preservation of Niagara is what interests us the most; if our 
enemies became masters of it and keep Chouaguen, thee Upper 
Countries would be lost to us, and besides, we should have' no- 
more communication with the river Oyo. 


^ ■■'■■ H^- 

Montreal 24 Jvij 1799 
However great the evil [the backward state of Canada and the 
low state of its finances] I must remedy it and in carrying out my 
views and my zeal in this regard, I must not lose sight of my 

1 The firit English vessel on Lake Ontario was a little schooner 40 feet keel 
with 14 sweeps or oars and 12 swiYels. She w«» launched oa 28th June, UK., 




ot the 

ire also 


dians of 
itly con- 
a matter 
that the 
that ttM 
they -were 

\ last fortv 


ou. Th« 

if o«r 

i€ ( U|>per 

la and tke 

Ig out my 

lit of my 

|(0 r«et keel 
p, 17tf n . 

design against Chouaguen, since on the success of this dependn 
the tranquillity of the Colony. 

The expedition against Chouaguen which had at all times been 
easy, is to-day unfortunately very difficult and that, I cannot help 
repeating, because the English experienced no opposition in tneir 
undertaking and preparations. The quiet state of the Colony 
had, even, rendered them so haughty that having arrived at the' 
degree of perfection they aspired to, they boldly raised the mask, 
and vrere daring enough, in the beginning of June, to send threti 
balls through the King's Flag %ing from a battean of an Officer' 
who was conducting a detachment to the Belle Riviire. 

They have actually two and perhaps three flat bottomed gun brigs ' 
with sweeps, which cruise from day to day, on Lake Ontario. 
Tliey are about to launch others for similar purposes. I ha<ve 
advices of the 20'" of this month stating that those two' bavkv* 
have been with several Batteaux as far as beyond Quints where' 
the English landed and that it is certain they will go to Niagars^ 

Chouaguen is no longer a Trading house ; it is regularly foffti' 
fied and suitably furnished with pieces of artillery. There is a 
second Fort equally provided with cannon. The Woods that' 
surrounded Chouaguen and militated against its defence, no longer' 
exist. They have rendered its approaches difficult.^ 

They are in strength there and become stronger every moment! 
by the troops that arrive from Orange. Yet, M^ lord, I act with* 
confidence, and dare flatter myself to have Chouaguen razed. 

The army will be composed of about 4300 men, 2000 of whbn' 
will be regular troops, 1800 Canadians and 500 domiciliated' lor^ 
dians. I perceive with joy that the one and the other greatly ex«rt 

1 *'When it was determined that the Army at Oawego shonld go into winter 
quarters, they began a new fort upon a hill on the east side of the river about 410 
yards from the old one; it is 800 foetin circumference, and will command the 
harbour; it is built of logs from 20 to 30 inches thick ; the wall is 14 feet high and 
is encompassed by a ditch 14 feet broad and ten deep; it is to contain barracks for 
300 men, and to mount 16 gunS. On the other side of the river, west from the olO 
fort, another new fort is erecting; this is 170 feet square, tlie rampart is of Earth- 
and Stone, 20 feet thick and 12 feet high, besides the parapet; this is also eneom* , 
passed with a ditch 14 feet broad and ten feet deep, and is to contain barracks for 
SOU men. An hospital of framed work, 150 feet by 30, is already built, which may 
■erveas a barrack for 200 men; and another barrack is preparing of 150 feat bjF 
9A.**— Account qfAmtriean aJtArt in 1755> in GtnUtman?* JUagodM, xxri. 6. 












themselves to accomplish my wishes. ThL army will be furnished 
with portable cannon and munition^kof war and implements gene- 
rally requisite for a siege. Since the 12^^ instant the troops file 
off by brigades for Fort Frontenac. I expect the remainder of the 
army will have left Montreal by the 10<i> of next month; and that 
all my forces will be collected at Fort Frontenac by the 526*^ of 
the same month, unless the weather be unfavorable. 

I should have been highly gratified, My Lord, to march at the 
head of the army, persuaded of the effect my zeal for the Kings 
service and my country would have produced on the Canadian 
soldiers and more particularly the Savages. But Fort St. Frederie 
[Crown Point] being equally menaced, my presence is necessary 
at Montreal. 

Baron Dieskaw will command this army. I confer daily with 
him and see with pleasure that he ardently desires to accomplish 
my views. 

As for the five Nations I reckon not on their aid, but I do not 
despair of their neutrality. From the hour of its foundation, 
Chouaguen is the rendezvous .of the different Indian tribes. It u 
from Chouaguen proceed all the Beltsand messages that the English 
scatter among the Far Nations. It was alway at Chouaguen that 
the English held Councils with the Indians and by means of 
presents, principally of intoxicating liquors, persuaded them 
to assassinate the French. In fine, Chouaguen is, consequently, 
the direct cause of all the troubles that have supervened in 
the Colony, and of the infinitude of expences these have entailed 
on the King. From the destruction of Chouaguen will follow: — 

On the one hand the complete attachment of all the upper 
country Indians; on the other, a considerable diminution in the 
expenditure incurred at present by the King for the Colony. 
Should the Five Nations take sides with the English, they would 
abandon them the moment Chouaguen was no more. The Indian 
tribes having no longer a resource with the English to obtain 
intoxicating liquors, I shall insensibly destroy the trade in Brandy 
at certain posts, so destructive to the prosperity of the service and 
of commerce. These same tribes acknowledging and from that 
moment unable to have any other communication except with the 


'^m. MMLArino It, O.WWO. 

' request jou, Mv LorJ . I France. 

""™'"'""'"T Obedient &,™„ 


(Pw. Doc. XII.] 

^.-dertek. be.ieg,„g it «nt« «th all"''"'''''' "i""-"' 

•W^hh.. cannon endbX^re " '"'*' *'«' ««<=" ^ 
»l>o »re conrtantly on the alert V.^"""" <=»■■"'«» of 600 men 

Chouguen through the reporta'.f '"' '^^ "' "" ""»«""" 

'k'ough.reconnois^ne.n edtfr'^ ""' ■"«««". «■» 
'wo «n.„ parti., i .,„. .^i^"" "■ "^ """ "^ " «"» win'te, b, 

H. could no. burn the bark" Ceatl' ^ '"""'"' ""^^ing. 
of the Fort and well guarded He „ 7 "'" "»^" *« ««»<» 

*" '•'"" "■"--■' «o ^ soitt^r :itr i^" "" •» 

P^acouacu Minute. XXV.] 





H ■ i 



aimT«d two Indlaita of the Onondaga's to give Notiee that OsW6gb 
was surrounded four days since by a considerable Number of 
French and Indians from Cadaraqui and Niagara. That they had 
beard the Cannon of Oswego for half a day after they left their 
Cattle, and that the General Rendezvous of the Enemy was about 
twelve Miles from Oswego. 

That upon the receipt of Col. Bradstreet's Letter he had deter- 
mined to set off with whiait Militia he could get together imme- 
diately, and to order the rest to follow him to the German Flats, 
and in his way to take the two Mohawk Castles with him. That 
he hath been informed of the Weak state of the Forts Edward 
and William Henry and that the Garrisons apprehended an attack, 
and had therefore ordered the Militia to March to the Relief of 
these Forts on Notice of the approach of an Enemy. 

His Excellency informed the Council that he had upon former 
Intelligence which he had received of the danger the Garrisoh of 
Oswego was exposed to, wrote to the Commanding Officetsofthe 
King's Troops at Albany and Schenectady, representing the gileal' 
importance of that Post, and the bad consequences the loss of if 
must' be attended with, and therefore that he hop'd they would!' 
march the Troops or such part of them as they should find neces^* 
aary for the relief of that place. - • ^ ^ »,f 

The Council declared His Excellency had taken al) the measo^es 
m his power on this Occasion. 


,^; , „ [N. T. Meretuy May 31. 1756.] 

Oswego Bftiy 17. 1756.' 
I arrived here three days ago, after a Tedious Time occasioned' 
by the large Train I was with, consisting of 200 Whale Boats, 
and 200 Battoes, excepting two Whale Boats, and two Battoes 
that were lost at the Falls, twelve Miles from hence, & four Men 
drowned in them. On my arrival I heard, that a few days before, 
a Party of Indians came on some ship Carpenters cutting Timber 
not 300 yards from the Town j & before a Party could be turned 
out. Killed and carried off Twelve : They were purijued by th6 
Party) ibut they could not get sight of them : Our Peoplr fouhd 




one Killed, which they Scalped, & threw his Body in the River, 
besides several Blankets shot thro'. Knives, Muskets &c. by which 
'tis thought some more of the Enemy have been Killed. About 
eight o'clock this Day we heard a firing up the River which we 
took to be an attack on one Lieut Blair, who went up this Morn- 
ing to the Reefs, with 24 Men, two miles off, for a Guard to the 
Battoes at that Place ; upon which Numbers of People, with a 
few Mohawks run from the Town that Way. The Firing still con- 
tinued ; and soon after a man came in with an Indian Scalp, and 
brought Word, that Blair's Party was attacked by a Party of 
French & Indians, himself and one Soldier Killed : Upon which 
upwards of 500 Battoe Men v ere sent different Ways into the 
Woods. We soon further heard, that a brave Mohawk, who went 
out on the Alarm, with some Battoe Men, was Killed by a French 
Indian, after he (the French Indian) had received a Wound in 
the Thigh, the Mohawk attempting to take him alive, and by that 
Means he lost his Life ; but a Battoe man that stood next to him 
soon despatched the French Indian, and Scalped him ; another 
they found dead, which they Scalped also ; two more they are 
certain arc Killed, as they saw them drawn off. Lieut Blair, 
though a Young Gentleman not more than 18 or 19, behaved like 
a iMrave Soldier ; for being wounded the first Fire, he begged his 
Men to Tb£e all, and fight on, for he was a dead Man, and that 
they might soon expect assistance ; Soon after he received ano- 
ther Ball in his Throat, when he immediately fell. The Sergeant, 
with the Men, bravely maintained their Ground, till they were 
relieved by Numbers, on whose Approach, the Enemy soon made 
(^, and the Woods being now green, our People stood no chance 
in following them. Another Soldier is mortally wounded, one 
slightly, and a Ship Carpenter, who went out without any Fire 
Arms some Time after the Attack, was shot in the Leg, the Bone 
not hurt. Our People have brought in scTcral Blankets, Knives, 
3mall Arms &c. by which we hope they have had a warm Recep- 
tion. They had not Time to Scalp our Dead. Lieut Blair, the 
Mohawk Sl Soldier were interred this afternoon, with all tha' 
)S<mors of War. 
W^ are busy getting the Vessels here ready for the Lake, and 


i! I 



hope to be out in Eight Days. As yet, little is done to the new 
Ones, and will not, till we are reinforced, that we may have a 
Strong Guard to cover our Men in the Woods. At the Falls, (12 
Miles from hence) a good Stockaded Fort is building, to defend 
that Pass. Plenty of fresh Beef and Fish, the latter of which, 
in. three Hawls of a Seine, filled a Battoe, so hope soon to have 
a very healthy Garrison. 

[From the nune, 14 June 1766.] 
The Names of the Carpenters & Sawyers that were Killed k 
Missing at Oswego, about a Month since, are, Edmond Banton, 
John Mitchell, Henry Jackson & Philip Philips of New York ; 
the three former Killed & Scalped, & the latter Missing ; John 
Jordan, Samuel Mash & Lewis Dunham of Brunswick, the two 
former Killed, the latter Missing; Michael Murray, Killed; 
James Grant, John English & Charles Carter, of Philadelphia, 
the two former Killed^ & the latter Missing ; James Flanagan 
missing, one Soldier Killed and another Shot in the Knee. 

[From the same, June 28, 1756.] " ' 

By Several Letters received from Albany we have the following 
Intelligence from Oswego viz* That on the letJ* Instant, about 4 
o'clock in the Morning, a Party of 3 or 400 French & Indians, 
attacked the Forts Oswego and Ontario and Kille ' & Scalped five 
of the Battoe Guard, sent from Fort Ontario on that side of the 
River : That they took one Prisoner, mortally wounded another, 
and slightly wounded a third, but were repulsed, and not with- 
out considerable Loss, as the Cannon play'd upon them for an 
Hour and a Half; that they went quite off about Eleven o'Clock: 
That *.wo Whale Boats were sent to make Discoveries on the 
French Shore, the same Day, tnd after rowing about 11 miles, 
they saw a Smoak, and about 100 Yards farther, a man running 
from the Shore into the Woods ; that they immf>diately fired a 
Volley from the Boats, when the Smoak was put out, & about 
ten Minutes after, upwards of 1000 French and Indians appeared 
upon the Beech, and drew up in a Line three deep, reaching 
almost a Mile, and gave the Boats a Volley, some of their Shot 
droping within 5 yards of them : That they fired about five 




ve a 





York ; 
■ John 
le two 

MinuteSjwhen the Boat gave them another Fire, three Huzza's & 
row'd off, and returned to Oswego about 5 o'Clock : That the 
three Vessels were returned from a Cruize of about two weeks, 
but have made no Discoveries : And that another, and more for- 
midable Attack was hourly Expected. 

Albany Jane 27. 1786. 

Friday last Harkamers Son came down from Oswego, with 
Letters from Col. Merser, for General Shirley : He says, there 
had been a smart Skirmish at Fort Ontario ; that a Body of about 
a thousand French and Indians had attacked the Fort, but were 
beat off by Colonel Schuyler, and those that were in Garrison 
there, after an Engagement of two Hours ; that Col. Schuylei 
lost 26. Men and the Regulars, 6. 

,; ;-,,^l/ 


[From the same.] 

Hii Majesty's Sloop Oswero; ) , 
Oswego, July 2d, 1766. { 

I bave been out with Commodore Bradley on two cruises. On 
the first we were out twelve days, endeavoring to get to Niagva, 
but the wind blowing constantly from the westward, were forced 
to return, having made no discovery but what related to a further 
knowledge of the Lake. Last Wednesday, seven nights, we sailed 
on a second cruise, and the Sunday following, at day dawn, as 
we were steering a course for Oswego, (having promised Col. 
Mercer to return off the harbor in four days,) we saw four sail of 
French vessels, from whom we were glad to make all the sail we 
could. As I make no doubt this affair will be varicusly repre- 
sented at New York, I shall give an impartial account of the 
same, which is as follows : At half past two, A. M., we saw 
two sail standmg towards us from the N. W., on which we imme- 
diately made the signal for the Ontario to chase, and got all reany 
for action, wore ship, and stood for them. At three quarters past 
three, we saw two more sail from the same quarter. At this time, 
one of the two vessels, which proved to be the Commodore, fired 
two guns to leeward and hoisted a French flag at his foretop mast 

'Ml \ .,,*— 


^m i 



head, tvhicb weiook for a signal for the two sternmost vessels to 
make sail and join, as he and the next to him directly hauled on 
^he wind, and clewed up their main top sails. At 5 o'clock, being 
then about one and a half miles from them, we found they were 
all four schooners, and the two whose distance I have just men- 
tioned, very large vessels with several guns of a side. The other 
two appeared as large, but of what force we could not see, they 
being farther off. On which) Capt. Lafory came on board and a 
council being called, it was thought most prudent to avoid an 
engagement, the enemy being far superior to us, and the utmost 
consequence our welfare was to Oswego. Our force consisted : 
first, the Oswego, Com. Bradley, with only 4 pounders, 1 three 
pounder, and 45 seamen and soldiers ; the Ontario, Capt. Lafory, 
with 4 four pounders, 1 three pounder, and 45 seamen and sol- 
diers ; a small schooner not bigger than a four cord boat, under 
the command of Mr. Farmer, with 6 swivels, and 13 seamen and 
soldiers. At half past five, wore and made the best of our way 
to Oswego. On which the enemy gave chase, and had the French 
Commodore beh&ved at the time as he ought, he must have brought 
us to action very soon and taken us : but he was unwilling to 
attack without his little fleet close together, and in chasing ^red 
single shot at us ; to do which, he was obliged to luff up in the 
wind, having no bow chase, by which means he lost evcTT time, 
twice his length. At 7 o'clock, he being little better thin half 
a mile o€f, first lufied up in the wind, then clapt his helm hard 
a- weather, wore round, and fired his broadside at Capt. Lafory, 
astern of us, and left off chase — none of which, or those before, 
did any execution. At our first making off, we found Mr. Farmer 
to drop astern very fast, on which the Commodore hailed the 
Ontario to tell him to bear up more large. The two sternmost 
schooneij gave chase to him, and soon after saw him haul up to 
the northward, for what reason we know not, and the two vessels 
in chase of him firing at him, which guns by the report they made 
were heavy. We soon after lost sight of him and the chase and 
at 11 o'clock heard firing again. At three P. M. we got into 
llie new brigantine and sloop are to be launched to morrow ; 




sels to 

led on 

, being 

y -were 

t men- 

iC other 

e, they 

d and a 

,^oid an 

i utmost 

insisted : 

, 1 three 

. Lafory, 

and 8ol-\ 

at, under 

linen and 
our way 
lc French 
e brought 

villing to 
sing fired 
up in the 
very time, 
th in hair 
helm hard 
)t. Lafory, 
)se before, 
Jr. Farmer 
hailed the 
laul up to 
:wo vessels 
they made 
chase and 
e got into 

to morrow ; 


the Snow in ten or twelve days. But we are greatly disappointed 
in guns for them, for Col. Bradstreet arrived here yesterday with 
600 battoes, and with him came only sixteen carriage guns and 
sixteen sv/ivels, whereas the Brigantine only should mount six- 
teen carriage guns. However, we shall get some small guns from 
the Fort the sloop, and directly go and look for JUioTmeur, who I 
am afraid will not give us the opportimity of speaking with him, 
as they have been to Niagara and I suppose have carried provi- 
sions sufficient for the garrison. ' ' 

We are yet much troubled by scalping parties — ^largc bodies 
lying within six or seven miles of v, and as our garrison is not 
sufficient to dislodge them,- they do us much damage. We are 
obliged to have large parties to cover the carpenters; others 
to clear the woods around the garrison— that it would be impru- 
dent to attempt it till we are stronger. For these ten days past 
we have quitted the Fort on the hill, on the Oswego side, it not 
being tt.nable ; but as some troops (about 200) are come up with 
Cc ' . Bradstreet, we expect it to be immediately put in a posture 
of defencco Provisions we abound in, but now the cry is Men ! 
So believe we shall rest on the defensive this summer and winter. 
What is the occasion, time may discover j and may the enemies 
of our country meet their just deserts is my sincere wish. 


[Paris Doc. Xll.] 

Montreal) 5 July, 176C 
My lord, — English vess^^ls have appeared several times on Lake 
Ontario ; our's occupied with the freight to Niagara, could not 
chase them. Nevertheless, our two barks returning from Niagara 
on the 26th of June perceived across the Bay of Quint^e some 
coming towards them. We gave them chase, all our sails set, 
but the enemy immediately sheered off. He was pursued so close 
that hfc was obliged to abandon his sloop, which was his third 
vese 1. We left this to our two barks ; uur two Corsairs continued 
in pursuit of the enemy who seeing himself gained on cut his 






1 Inc 
of whic 
Couis, I 



— — — 

~— - — 

~ ' ^ '■ ■■ 


^ <. ^ 






. \ 






' .s J 





































.^ 1 



f ■ 


























1 • 




























■ • 









































.^. , ^ ^^^^ cxxc ^ucmjr iroui loramg the Kiver, till the 

rest of his Men could land on the South side of it: He had no 

oll^lTVnT 'T ^'^'■'' ""' """"^^ ^*J^' J«^«"«»»» Co., at the entrance 
CouTs lr7h H ^*^7J•"^^'^«• ""- '"^^ °PPO-"e or north side a;e the Islands of 
Couis, near the bay of Ke«-J. They are to be seen in Sauthier's Map 1777, 177a. 


■■ ' 









boat loose ai 
vain we fired 
up altogether 
fallen he gaini 
he carried. ] 
overhaul the 
This prize is { 
6 sailors and 

On the 25t; 
the Islands of 
Bay of Niag^ 
point quite cl 
the River, we 

This,My loi 

Navy of Lake 

I am with 





On Monda^ 
On the 3d, aba 
side that Placa 
Battoes, he wl 
about 700 of t 
Canadians and 
near the Front 
Island near thi 

there, to keep oacic me j*inemy irom loraing tne tviver, tin tne 
rest of his Men could land on the South side of it; He had no 

1 Incorrectly written for Neaonrf, or Hungry Bay, Jefferson Co., at the entrance 
of which are the Galop Islands. On the opposite or north side are the Islands of 
Couis, near the bay of Kenti. They are to be seen in Sauthier's Map 1777, 1779. 

till tne " 
had no 

lie entrance 
Islands of 

iin, 1779. y^ 



sooner landed with the Six Men, but he was attacked by Twenty 
of the Enemy, whom his Party beat back, kept Possession of 
the Island and were joined by six more Battoemen. They were 
then attacked by about 40 of the Enemy, who stood their Ground 
Tery well, and wounded eight out of the Twelve ; yet as our 
People never fired, without each killing his Man, the Enemy 
gave Way. The Party on the Island were then increased to 
about Twenty, besides the Wountled, and were again attacked by 
70 of the Enemy, whom our Folks also beat back a third time. 
This Affair on the Island lasted near an Hour, and had given the 
Rest of our Battoemen Time to land on the South side of the 
River and those on the Island perceiving the Enemy were coming 
to surround them with their whole strength, retired to the South 
side of the River, and were followed by the Enemy. Our People 
made a feint Flight until the Chief of the Enemy had forded 
the River, then faced about, and push'd the Enemy back into 
the River, where they killed great numbers of them ; the Rest 
took to their Heels j and were so closely pursued, that they left 
all their Packs, Blankets & Provisions behind, and many of 
them their Guns. About forty of our People are killed & missing 
& 24 slightly wounded. The number of the Enemy killed is not 
Exactly known, as most of them fell in the River, but it must be 
at least triple the Number of Ours Col. Bradstreet has brought 
two Prisoners with him. 

[From the same, July 26, 1756.] 
Since our last, many letters are come to Town from Albany, all 
confirming the Account we had of the Defeat of the French and 
Indians by the Battoemen under the Command of Col. Bradstreet 
and all doing Honour to the active, brave and circumspect Behaviour 
of that Gentleman, during the whole affair. They also all agree 
in this. That after the Repulse of the Enemy in their three several 
Attacks on the Island, it was discovered that the Enemy in great 
Numbers were passing from the North to the South side of the 
River, at a Ford about a mile above, on which Col. Bradstreet 
immediately marched with 250 men, to meet them. He found 
that t